As the "Revolution" threatened Rome during the final decades of the Republic, the many landscapes of the city — built, intellectual, social and natural — became inextricably linked within a confused cultural matrix. Vitruvius was not simply observing a set of places; he was living within spaces that, while having lost many of their explicit meanings over time, contained within them implicit, albeit unclear, cultural codes for him to ponder. Vitruvius in fact was not describing Roman architecture as it was; he was describing it as he wished it to be. There are a host of reasons to question the physical exactitude of his examples and subsequent models: The vantage point of a single individual living within a specific place at a particular moment in time was, and continues to be, limited at best. There are geographical and architectural inaccuracies that leave the reader wondering if Vitruvius actually saw much of what was inserted within the treatise. And Vitruvius would have generalized in order to arrive at the broad sets of tenets contained in the books. The "looseness" characterizing the tenets of Vitruvius is precisely what has enabled imaginative interpretations over the centuries. By including drawings within translations, the classical imagination has become fused with memories of what monuments should look like. Linked to this, translated versions of Vitruvius' treatise can be usurped in order to connect ruins more closely to Roman architectural ideals than they may have been in the first place. The translation and annotation project of Jean Gardet and Dominique Bertin in the 1550s is an example of how the treatise of Vitruvius was attached, inextricably, to the antiquities of southern France. The habit of turning to the De Architectura in order to produce a body of archaeological knowledge and in turn to provide "proof for the architectural reconstruction of classical monuments has persisted. In the end, the monument can serve as confirmation for the translated text, and the text re-confirms the monument. In Orange, the use of the treatise by architects has been retraced to show that the reconstructed theater does not correspond, in its rebuilt state, to that which would have stood in its place. Eventually, the habit of turning to Vitruvius was adapted to such an extent that it practically became invisible, with architects and archaeologists turning to it with little thought as to its contextual validity. This is probably why we see so few explicit references to its use in the literature documenting the re-building of monuments; it is only by retracing field notes that the extent to which it was used, even relatively lately, can be assessed. At the same time, classical archaeology has — and continues to — direct its attention to deblayage, remaniements, consolidations and in time, la sauvegarde. The present-day impetus for these activities is closely connected to history, heritage and ultimately, the notion of patrimoine. The difficulty today is that the more we re-build, whether it be for basic cultural consumption or within grander state agendas, the recourse to producing related bodies of knowledge to justify architectural plans has the potential to increase significantly. The understanding of classical architecture within the context of history and heritage must be met by a corresponding comprehension of its temporal, formal and social nature; Vitruvius' words, as I have stressed, do not necessarily depict a material architecture. Vitruvius' architect lived within an urban setting that was highly dynamic and not necessarily readily interpreted. And while Republican spaces derived from a need for function, efficiency, beauty and representation, they were not necessarily or completely redesigned each time they were reused; they were often modified to suit. Notions related to specific and ideal spaces were most probably stored within the minds of the multifaceted designers to be shaped according to particular sets of pre-existing cultural and built conditions as well as geographical settings. And to these, the craftspeople would have added personal interpretations. Today the problems arise when architects and archaeologists, eager to convince themselves and others of their theoretic, forget that we simply do not know what memories resided in the mind of Roman architects.

As the "Revolution" threatened Rome during the final decades of the Republic, the many landscapes of the city — built, intellectual, social and natural — became inextricably linked within a confused cultural matrix. Vitruvius was not simply observing a set of places; he was living within spaces that, while having lost many of their explicit meanings over time, contained within them implicit, albeit unclear, cultural codes for him to ponder. Vitruvius in fact was not describing Roman architecture as it was; he was describing it as he wished it to be. There are a host of reasons to question the physical exactitude of his examples and subsequent models: The vantage point of a single individual living within a specific place at a particular moment in time was, and continues to be, limited at best. There are geographical and architectural inaccuracies that leave the reader wondering if Vitruvius actually saw much of what was inserted within the treatise. And Vitruvius would have generalized in order to arrive at the broad sets of tenets contained in the books. The "looseness" characterizing the tenets of Vitruvius is precisely what has enabled imaginative interpretations over the centuries. By including drawings within translations, the classical imagination has become fused with memories of what monuments should look like. Linked to this, translated versions of Vitruvius' treatise can be usurped in order to connect ruins more closely to Roman architectural ideals than they may have been in the first place. The translation and annotation project of Jean Gardet and Dominique Bertin in the 1550s is an example of how the treatise of Vitruvius was attached, inextricably, to the antiquities of southern France. The habit of turning to the De Architectura in order to produce a body of archaeological knowledge and in turn to provide "proof for the architectural reconstruction of classical monuments has persisted. In the end, the monument can serve as confirmation for the translated text, and the text re-confirms the monument. In Orange, the use of the treatise by architects has been retraced to show that the reconstructed theater does not correspond, in its rebuilt state, to that which would have stood in its place. Eventually, the habit of turning to Vitruvius was adapted to such an extent that it practically became invisible, with architects and archaeologists turning to it with little thought as to its contextual validity. This is probably why we see so few explicit references to its use in the literature documenting the re-building of monuments; it is only by retracing field notes that the extent to which it was used, even relatively lately, can be assessed. At the same time, classical archaeology has — and continues to — direct its attention to deblayage, remaniements, consolidations and in time, la sauvegarde. The present-day impetus for these activities is closely connected to history, heritage and ultimately, the notion of patrimoine. The difficulty today is that the more we re-build, whether it be for basic cultural consumption or within grander state agendas, the recourse to producing related bodies of knowledge to justify architectural plans has the potential to increase significantly. The understanding of classical architecture within the context of history and heritage must be met by a corresponding comprehension of its temporal, formal and social nature; Vitruvius' words, as I have stressed, do not necessarily depict a material architecture. Vitruvius' architect lived within an urban setting that was highly dynamic and not necessarily readily interpreted. And while Republican spaces derived from a need for function, efficiency, beauty and representation, they were not necessarily or completely redesigned each time they were reused; they were often modified to suit. Notions related to specific and ideal spaces were most probably stored within the minds of the multifaceted designers to be shaped according to particular sets of pre-existing cultural and built conditions as well as geographical settings. And to these, the craftspeople would have added personal interpretations. Today the problems arise when architects and archaeologists, eager to convince themselves and others of their theoretic, forget that we simply do not know what memories resided in the mind of Roman architects. / Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies / Graduate

Frente aos preceitos ditados por Vitrúvio em seu De Architectura, arquitetos tratadistas do Quatrocentos e do Quinhentos, absortos em requalificar a arquitetura e a cidade, divisam symmetria e decor como premissas excelsas a corporificar na ars aedificatoria a perfeita ordem e beleza da natureza. A perquirição de suas acepções, não obstante os obstáculos postos à exegese dos tratados, desvela novos juízos sobre os sentidos de ordem então exalçados. Instituídas, desde a fonte antiga, pelas analogias com o homo ad circulum e ad quadratum, os tratados de Antonio Averlino, detto il Filarete, Francesco di Giorgio Martini e Cesare Cesariano consolidam e multiplicam as possibilidades de associações macro e microcósmicas com a ordo divina. Congêneres ao decor, tais symmetriai e razões do homem bene figuratus precisam expedientes inescusáveis de adequação e variedade, inerentes à vera práxis arquitetônica. / Before the precepts stated by Vitruvius in his De Architectura, architects from the 15th and 16th centuries, absorbed in requalifying the architecture and the city, perceive symmetria and decor as excelling premises that embodied the perfect order and beauty of nature in the ars aedificatoria. The search of their significances, despite the obstacles placed by the treatises exegesis, discloses new judgments about the senses of order extoled at that age. Antonio Averlino, detto il Filarete, Francesco di Giorgio Martini and Cesare Cesariano\'s treatises consolidate and multiply the possibilities of macro and microcosmic associations with the divine ordo, already settled in the ancient source through the analogy with the homo ad circulum and ad quadratum. Congeneric to decor, such symmetriai and the reasons of the homo bene figuratus determine required expedients for adequacy and variety inherent in the veracious architectural praxis.

Frente aos preceitos ditados por Vitrúvio em seu De Architectura, arquitetos tratadistas do Quatrocentos e do Quinhentos, absortos em requalificar a arquitetura e a cidade, divisam symmetria e decor como premissas excelsas a corporificar na ars aedificatoria a perfeita ordem e beleza da natureza. A perquirição de suas acepções, não obstante os obstáculos postos à exegese dos tratados, desvela novos juízos sobre os sentidos de ordem então exalçados. Instituídas, desde a fonte antiga, pelas analogias com o homo ad circulum e ad quadratum, os tratados de Antonio Averlino, detto il Filarete, Francesco di Giorgio Martini e Cesare Cesariano consolidam e multiplicam as possibilidades de associações macro e microcósmicas com a ordo divina. Congêneres ao decor, tais symmetriai e razões do homem bene figuratus precisam expedientes inescusáveis de adequação e variedade, inerentes à vera práxis arquitetônica. / Before the precepts stated by Vitruvius in his De Architectura, architects from the 15th and 16th centuries, absorbed in requalifying the architecture and the city, perceive symmetria and decor as excelling premises that embodied the perfect order and beauty of nature in the ars aedificatoria. The search of their significances, despite the obstacles placed by the treatises exegesis, discloses new judgments about the senses of order extoled at that age. Antonio Averlino, detto il Filarete, Francesco di Giorgio Martini and Cesare Cesariano\'s treatises consolidate and multiply the possibilities of macro and microcosmic associations with the divine ordo, already settled in the ancient source through the analogy with the homo ad circulum and ad quadratum. Congeneric to decor, such symmetriai and the reasons of the homo bene figuratus determine required expedients for adequacy and variety inherent in the veracious architectural praxis.

Édifice emblématique de la Renaissance, l’église fut au coeur des réflexions théoriques des architectes italiens. Leur pensée, émanant directement du De architectura de Vitruve et de ses nombreuses éditions renaissantes, accorde également à la ville un rôle majeur dans l’élaboration d’une communauté humaine idéale. Il n’est donc guère étonnant que les deux thèmes, architecture religieuse et art urbain, se rencontrent dans la théorie comme dans la pratique pour magnifier la demeure divine. Toutefois, loin d’être mis à l’écart, le lieu de culte s’insère au sein d’un réseau viaire dense et complexe qu’il faut analyser soigneusement pour juger au mieux de la place accordée à ce type de monuments. Située à proximité d’autres symboles du pouvoir, tels que les palais seigneuriaux et communaux, l’église instaure un dialogue ambivalent avec ces derniers. De même, la place et/ou l’avenue qui la précèdent peuvent aussi bien contribuer à son isolement qu’à son intégration urbaine. Au fil des lectures, les concepts même d’architecture religieuse et de cadre urbain apparaissent donc polysémiques. Et l’analyse des constructions de la Renaissance ne clarifie en rien la situation. S’appuyant sur des sources variées (traités d’architecture, ouvrages d’humaniste, dessins, plans, etc.) le présent travail tend à interroger les valeurs multiples des lieux de culte de la Renaissance. Leur cadre urbain contribue-t-il nécessairement, comme l’affirme Alberti, à en faire les principaux embellissements de la cité ? / Symbolic edifice of the Renaissance, the church was fundamental in Italian architects’ theoretical reflexions. Their thought, based on Vitruvius’ De architectura and its numerous Renaissance editions, attributes also a great importance to the town in the development of an ideal human community. There’s nothing surprising about that both topics, religious architecture and town planning, meet each other in the theory as in the pratice to glorify the God’s house. However, not at all isolated, the place of worship is inserted in a concentrated urban network. Located close to other symbols of power, like seigneurial castle and local council, the church establishes an ambivalent dialogue with them. Similarly, the town square and the avenue can contribute to its isolated location or its urban integration. Therefore, the notions of religious architecture and town planning appear polysemous. Relying on varied sources (treatises, humanists’ writings, drawings, plans, etc.) the present thesis strives to examine the numerous values of Renaissance’s churches. Does their urban setting participate to make the church the city’s greatest and noblest ornament, as claimed by Alberti ?

The aim of this essay is to investigate the theories of city planning that existed during Greek, Hellenistic and Roman period. Vitruvius, Aristoteles and Hippodamos had thoughts about the placement of the city, the street networks organization and individual buildings proportion, function and neighbors. Aristoteles angle of incidence is pragmatic and social aspects. Vitruvius emphasizes health aspects and the individual buildings with regard to durability, expediency and beauty. Hippodamos view on how health aspects should be regarded aligns with Aristoteles and stresses an equal distribution of the urban land. Gerasa is investigated in relation to these template city qualities and results show that it does not consistently overlap or deviate. To add a further perspective it is put in relation to Pompeji and they are compared with the theories.  Questions: 1. What is laid out by Aristoteles, Vitruvius and Hippodamos about a city's ideal placement and internal structure and design? 2. How does the remains from the excavated cities Gerasa and Pompeji relate to these theories?  Method: The Theories on city planning were searched and assembled from literary sources. Then a comparison was made between all the three parts of Gerasa, Pompeji and the ideal cities.

The subject of this paper is the study of history of the Kačina Chateau from the point of view of its inspiration from the art and architecture of the ancient world. The introductory chapters were dedicated to the general atmosphere of the time in which the castle was designed and built, the general ideas of the Enlightenment, and also to its relations to Count Chotek. There is an unresolved problem whether its relations to Classical antiquity monuments existed directly, or if they were mediated by other sources. While working on the theme it turned out that the foundation of Kačina Chateau derived from earlier models that were developed during centuries. The work of Marcus Vitruvius Pollio was of substantial importance for all Classicist architecture and especially the architects of the Renaissance knew it very well and used it frequently. For the architecture of Kačina Chateau the most important stimuli were those of Andreas Palladio who transformed earlier patterns according to his own artistic views. One of the following chapters concentrates on the personality of the owner of the estate, the Count Jan Rudolf Chotek, and then on the architects and builders of the castle. Following chapters are dedicated to the description of the castle, of its exterior, the segmentation of its interior...

A concepção arquitetônica dos templos dóricos gregos é abordada na interface da análise entre as fontes textuais e a cultura material. Verificamos a relevância e o papel que tiveram a \"elegância\" e a \"sutileza\", segundo Vitrúvio, no modus operandi dos arquitetos gregos, como recursos técnicos e metodológicos para o desenvolvimento do projeto do templo dórico grego entre o século V-II a.C. Visamos esclarecer e estabelecer vínculos entre esses conceitos relativamente subjetivos e a lógica subjacente que norteou os arquitetos, tanto em projeto como nas aplicações precisas em obra, verificando assim a Hipótese Modular proposta por Mark Wilson Jones, para a concepção dos templos dóricos gregos. Para isso, abordarmos os fundamentos científicos da arquitetura grega a partir da análise de dois grupos de templos: o Grupo 1, composto de oito templos hexastilos, 6 x 13, do século V a.C. e o Grupo 2, composto de nove templos hexastilos perípteros de configuração de colunata lateral variada, datados entre o IV-II século a.C. Adotamos como ponto de partida da pesquisa, e referência fundamental, os artigos publicados por Mark Wilson Jones em 2001 e 2006, respectivamente, nos periódicos: American Journal of Archaeology e Nexus. Procuramos sistematicamente atualizar o debate apoiados nas discussões mais recentes e em nossas próprias análises e conclusões. / This thesis addresses the conception of Greek Doric Temple Design and architecture found in the analysis of and interface between textual sources and material culture. This thesis notes the importance of and the role that \"elegance\" and \"subtlety\" played, according to Vitruvius, in the modus operandi of Greek architects, including technical and methodological resources in the development of Greek Doric temples between the fifth and second centuries BC. This work aims to clarify and establish links between these relatively subjective concepts and the subjacent logic that guided these architects, both in design as well as in their precise application in construction, thus verifying the Modular hypothesis proposed by Mark Wilson Jones. Towards this end, this thesis addresses the scientific foundations of Greek architecture by analyzing two groups of temples: Group 1, comprised of eight 6 x 13 hexastyle temples from the fifth century BC and Group 2, comprised of nine hexastyle peripteral temples in varied peristyle lateral configuration, dated between the fourth and second centuries BC. The starting point of and the fundamental reference for the research are scholarly articles published by Mark Wilson Jones in 2001 and 2006 in The American Journal of Archaeology and Nexus, respectively. This work seeks to systematically update the latest debates and discussions surrounding this topic via the author\'s own analysis and subsequent conclusions.

A concepção arquitetônica dos templos dóricos gregos é abordada na interface da análise entre as fontes textuais e a cultura material. Verificamos a relevância e o papel que tiveram a \"elegância\" e a \"sutileza\", segundo Vitrúvio, no modus operandi dos arquitetos gregos, como recursos técnicos e metodológicos para o desenvolvimento do projeto do templo dórico grego entre o século V-II a.C. Visamos esclarecer e estabelecer vínculos entre esses conceitos relativamente subjetivos e a lógica subjacente que norteou os arquitetos, tanto em projeto como nas aplicações precisas em obra, verificando assim a Hipótese Modular proposta por Mark Wilson Jones, para a concepção dos templos dóricos gregos. Para isso, abordarmos os fundamentos científicos da arquitetura grega a partir da análise de dois grupos de templos: o Grupo 1, composto de oito templos hexastilos, 6 x 13, do século V a.C. e o Grupo 2, composto de nove templos hexastilos perípteros de configuração de colunata lateral variada, datados entre o IV-II século a.C. Adotamos como ponto de partida da pesquisa, e referência fundamental, os artigos publicados por Mark Wilson Jones em 2001 e 2006, respectivamente, nos periódicos: American Journal of Archaeology e Nexus. Procuramos sistematicamente atualizar o debate apoiados nas discussões mais recentes e em nossas próprias análises e conclusões. / This thesis addresses the conception of Greek Doric Temple Design and architecture found in the analysis of and interface between textual sources and material culture. This thesis notes the importance of and the role that \"elegance\" and \"subtlety\" played, according to Vitruvius, in the modus operandi of Greek architects, including technical and methodological resources in the development of Greek Doric temples between the fifth and second centuries BC. This work aims to clarify and establish links between these relatively subjective concepts and the subjacent logic that guided these architects, both in design as well as in their precise application in construction, thus verifying the Modular hypothesis proposed by Mark Wilson Jones. Towards this end, this thesis addresses the scientific foundations of Greek architecture by analyzing two groups of temples: Group 1, comprised of eight 6 x 13 hexastyle temples from the fifth century BC and Group 2, comprised of nine hexastyle peripteral temples in varied peristyle lateral configuration, dated between the fourth and second centuries BC. The starting point of and the fundamental reference for the research are scholarly articles published by Mark Wilson Jones in 2001 and 2006 in The American Journal of Archaeology and Nexus, respectively. This work seeks to systematically update the latest debates and discussions surrounding this topic via the author\'s own analysis and subsequent conclusions.