Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Paulo Gusmao Pinheiro Duarte.pdf: 839943 bytes, checksum: 6df14e605e542b66cb2743061baee353 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-20 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research, located in the field of international relations, discusses the forthcoming of contemporary trans-territorial terrorism and the so-called War on Terror, as an international political commitment of States seeking to contain the current terrorism and promote safety on a planetarium level. Through inquiry methods that tend to rescue origins and development of policies seeking to regulate and circumscribe war, establishing an international security, there is the current War on Terror inserted into a logic of social control that articulates combined actions of armed conflict, gross states of exception and the formalization of new rights. In this questioning, is observed the investment in the fight against terrorism through control and disciplinary mechanisms, internationalized, establishing a governmentality based on the resizing of biopolitics wich materializes it self through the implementation of preventive wars, by the use of Guantanamo Bay prison, through operationalized military interventions, by the effectiveness of many migration containment policies, by policing and monitoring of "danger zones", through the election of new permanent enemies of society. At the same time, terrorism is appointed as a political act embedded within a certain correlation of forces, which in its current resizing, articulates another authoritarian power which selects and kills. Terrorism and counter-terrorism are analyzed, therefore, from the conception of politics as war, setting the current international environment / Esta pesquisa, situada no campo das relações internacionais, aborda a emergência do terrorismo transterritorial contemporâneo e da chamada Guerra ao Terror, como um engajamento político internacional de Estados que busca conter os atuais terrorismos e promover a segurança em nível planetário. Por meio de investigação que resgata procedências e emergências das políticas que buscam regular, regulamentar e circunscrever a guerra e estabelecer um domínio da segurança internacional, observa-se a atual Guerra ao Terror inserida em uma lógica de controle social que articula ações combinadas entre conflitos armados, flagrantes estados de exceção e a formalização de novos direitos. Com tal problematização, observa-se o investimento no combate ao terrorismo através de dispositivos disciplinares e de controle internacionalizados, estabelecendo uma governamentalidade baseada no redimensionamento da biopolítica que se materializa através da execução de guerras preventivas, do uso da prisão de Guantánamo, da operacionalização de intervenções militares, da efetivação de inúmeras políticas de contenção migratória, de policiamento e monitoramento de zonas perigosas , da eleição permanente de novos inimigos da sociedade. Ao mesmo tempo, o terrorismo é apontado como um ato político inserido dentro de certa correlação de forças, mas que em seu atual redimensionamento articula outro poder autoritário que seleciona e mata. Terrorismos e contraterrorismos são analisados, portanto, a partir da concepção de política como guerra, configurando o atual ambiente internacional

This thesis analyses the effects of international terrorism on economic and political field and illustrates them using a variety of case studies. Chapter one deals with a theoretical framework of international terrorism. Chapter two focuses on impact of international terrorism on economy, with emphasis on international trade and tourism. Chapter three is aimed to examine political responses to international terrorism and its consequences. Chapter four presents a case study about 9/11 attacks.

Given the contradictory reality of a well-developed human rights and humanitarian regime alongside extensive human rights abuses committed in the “Global War on Terror,” the dissertation asks how and why law has shaped contemporary security policy. Focusing on the American case over time, I examine this problem empirically by tracing the changing impact of both international and domestic legal and normative constraints on torture and interrogation, detention and trial, and surveillance practices, culminating in post-9/11 counterterrorism doctrine. I find that policy makers have increasingly violated rules with the adoption of controversial security and intelligence policies, but have simultaneously employed legalistic arguments to evade responsibility for human rights abuses. Using contrasting realist, decisionist, liberal, and constructivist accounts of the nature of state compliance with norms and law found in International Relations and legal scholarship, the dissertation theoretically explains this outcome and with it, law’s ability to moderate national security practice. In so doing, I propose an original reading of law as a permissive constraint, which challenges us to rethink paradigmatic assumptions in a way that accommodates both strategic and normative factors and recognizes the role of practice in giving content to rules.

Given the contradictory reality of a well-developed human rights and humanitarian regime alongside extensive human rights abuses committed in the “Global War on Terror,” the dissertation asks how and why law has shaped contemporary security policy. Focusing on the American case over time, I examine this problem empirically by tracing the changing impact of both international and domestic legal and normative constraints on torture and interrogation, detention and trial, and surveillance practices, culminating in post-9/11 counterterrorism doctrine. I find that policy makers have increasingly violated rules with the adoption of controversial security and intelligence policies, but have simultaneously employed legalistic arguments to evade responsibility for human rights abuses. Using contrasting realist, decisionist, liberal, and constructivist accounts of the nature of state compliance with norms and law found in International Relations and legal scholarship, the dissertation theoretically explains this outcome and with it, law’s ability to moderate national security practice. In so doing, I propose an original reading of law as a permissive constraint, which challenges us to rethink paradigmatic assumptions in a way that accommodates both strategic and normative factors and recognizes the role of practice in giving content to rules.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-122).

The colonial formation and imagination of the Canadian nation and its citizenry has historically been rooted in processes of racial inclusion and exclusion. This thesis considers the ways in which the historical exclusionary process of citizenship manifests within today’s “War on Terror” through the language of national security. The analysis focuses on the discourses of two former Conservative bills: Bill C-24 – Strengthening the Canadian Citizenship Act and Bill C-51 – Anti-terrorism Act. Mobilized through a critical race perspective, my thesis documents first, the narratives that are told, and second, the discursive strategies that are used, to construct those deserving and undeserving of inclusion. My findings demonstrate that the ideal nation and its ideal citizens, who are deserving of inclusion within the nation, are fundamentally constructed in Whiteness. Meanwhile, the threatening ‘Other’, who is to be excluded and expelled from the nation, is imagined as a racialized Muslim, Arab and brown terrorist in the “War on Terror”. By examining their respective parliamentary debates, my research reveals how the political discourses utilized in both bills uphold the racial exclusionary mechanisms of citizenship. As such, my research speaks to the evolving relationship between citizenship, national security, surveillance, and securitization by demonstrating how citizenship is used as a tool within the broader security regime of the state to fight the “War on Terror”.

This thesis explores representation of the Iraq War in selected Anglo-American and Iraqi novels, examining how several authors have employed this theme in their narratives. The featured novelists are chosen from many writers who focus their efforts and their writing on this conflict. Criterion for selection included offering a critique of the diverse perspectives from which the conflict was perceived, the texts‘ engagement with the political conundrums underpinning war and its approach, how such fiction engages with a contemporary audience and what perspective are deployed to do so. Their public visibility provides the basis of one interpretative strand of the thesis. This study also explores and conceptualises how this conflict has entered the cultural consciousness and to what degree the novels fictionalise the conflict as their main subject, and assesses through which thematic emphases. The texts chosen and to be analysed are pivotal to our understanding of contemporary Iraq and its recent history. It will be argued that the thematic content of these texts contextualise modern war‘s multiple effects within not only the fictional textual world, but as well as their imaginative characters these representations become part of the experience at least vicariously of the audiences who read them. The texts discussed in subsequent chapters are either originally written in, or translated into English (for publication), and therefore all available in English, one major criterion of textual selection. It is interesting to examine the theme of the Iraq War and the historical and pragmatic vein and cultural point of reference from which authors write and has come to dominate the discourse of some contemporary novelists. The goal is to critically explore how the war has become a focal point and the framework of their narratives. The thesis will attempt to analyse how such novels depict the effects of political violence and why they are drawn to powerfully articulate the gruelling reality and experience of those fictionally engaged by and/or affected by it. It will be proposed that novels of and about this conflict are essential to study, understand, and engage with because of the content and the message they attempt to convey which is so crucial to understanding contemporary faultiness in socio-cultural histories, and the critical themes they utilize in writing and the dynamics through which they fictionalize their stories. Such fictional representations of this war serve an important societal, cultural, aesthetic and symbolic function. Thus the study encapsulates how novels of and about the Iraq War reveal and recapture the physical, psychological, and interpersonal losses that are felt by the civilians and military alike.

Esta pesquisa de Mestrado, sob a forma de dois artigos distintos, mapeia articulações da ameaça terrorista que possam sugerir a macrossecuritização da Guerra ao Terror na América do Sul, nos discursos dos presidentes de Brasil, Colômbia e Venezuela na Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas (2002-2006). Com base na Teoria das Securitizações da Escola de Copenhague e na Análise Crítica do Discurso de vertente anglo-saxã, identificam-se as estratégias linguísticas e o encadeamento argumentativo da securitização do terrorismo no ato de fala. Conclui-se que, no nível discursivo, Colômbia e Venezuela macrossecuritizaram a Guerra ao Terror, instrumentalizando o terrorismo para justificar as ações dos Governos Uribe e Chávez , enquanto o Governo Lula absorve o terrorismo ao combate à fome. / This Master\'s research, in the form of two separate articles, maps the articulation of the terrorist threat that might suggest a macrosecuritisation of the \"War on Terror\" in South America, in the speeches of presidents of Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela in the United Nations General Assembly (2002 -2006). Based on the Theory of Securitisation of the Copenhagen School and Critical Analysis of the Anglo-Saxon Critical Discourse Analysis, it identifies the linguistic strategies and argumentative textual chaining of terrorism securitisation in the speech act. We conclude that, in the discursive level, Colombia and Venezuela have macrosecutirised the War on Terror, using terrorism to justify the actions of Uribe and Chavez governments, while the Lula embodies the danger of terrorism to its anti-hunger program.

Post-structuralist IR has often treated foreign policy/security discourses and their effects on policy through a “representational model”, i.e. how one dominant representation makes possible particular policy outcomes. However, in a longitudinal analysis, where the concern with “outcome” is already about continuity/change, this model is restricting and must be replaced by a model integrating multiple voices and contestations, and looking for non-linear mechanisms of long-term constraints. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is, first, to develop a theoretical-analytical framework suitable for an explicit interest in contestations and tracing constraints; and second, in an illustrative-explorative study, to apply such relational-dialogical framework to “war on terror” in the US and the UK (2001-2012). Bakhtinian Dialogism occupies an important status in the framework; therefore, a broader aim is to demonstrate how a “dialogical turn” inspired by the philosophy of Mikhail Bakhtin and his circle would enrich debate. Developments of the past decade – increased anti-war critique, change of governments in the US and the UK, and protracted withdrawal – provide new grounds for a longitudinal inquiry into “war on terror”. Moving beyond the question how “war on terror” was initially constructed and legitimised, scholarly attention must focus on a longitudinal inquiry into why “war on terror” endured. In this respect, the formidable deconstructions of official discourses by anti-war critique have received marginal attention in IR. The empirical part explores how critical discourses have contested the official narratives; how the latter have engaged with them as well as with moderate deliberative critique, and to what effect for continuity/change, to understand whether and how successive governments in the US and the UK have been discursively constrained (bound) in their attempts to change policy. Without claiming to be a comprehensive explanation, it locates and interprets patterns and logics within the discursive exchanges, delineating potential routes contributing to constraints and hence continuation. Thus, on the one hand, destabilising critique was shattering the foundations of the official “war on terror” narratives without fully re-inscribing the dislocated space with new imaginings, thus inviting official representatives to re-claim such space. On the other hand, deliberative voices were pushing for the realisation of the promises inherent in the official discourse, demanding “winning” the (albeit “mistaken”) war, thus inviting for continued engagement.

This study examines how the media construct the identities of the Other by creating various ‘us’ versus ‘them’ positions (Othering) when covering non-violence-based intercultural conflicts in Arab and Western news media. Othering in this study is understood as an umbrella concept that in general terms refers to the discursive process of constructing and positioning the Self and the Other into separate identities of an ‘us’ and a ‘them.’ This process is analysed using a mixed method approach. A content analysis is used to map the data, and then a closer examination of the discourse is conducted using a qualitative approach inspired by critical discourse analysis. Two empirical studies are conducted based on this analysis: 1) the case of the Swedish newspaper Nerikes Allehanda’s publication of caricatures of the Prophet Mohamed in 2007 and 2) the media coverage of the headscarf ban in French state schools in 2004. This study also employs Galtung’s Peace Journalism model as a frame of reference in the conclusions to discuss how this model could contribute, if applied in journalistic texts, to more balanced constructions of intercultural conflicts. The results show that Othering is a central discursive practice that is commonly adopted in both Arab and Western media coverage of non-violent intercultural conflicts, but it appears in different forms. Many of the previous studies have devoted considerable attention to rather conventional dichotomous constructions of Eastern and Western Others. The present study, in contrast, brings to the fore more non-conventional constructions and, while recognizing the occurrence of the conventional constructions, goes beyond these binary oppositions of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Variations in the types of identity constructions found in my study can be attributed to the mode of the article, the actors/voices included, the media affiliations and the topic and its overall contextualization. The different types of identity constructions in the media coverage may bring about a less black and white understanding of an event and help bring forth a more nuanced picture of what is going on and who is doing what in a conflict situation. Their occurrence in the media can possibly be linked to a new vision of a global society that does not necessarily constitute homogenous groups with the same characteristics, but rather is more consistent with a hybrid identity. This research is timely, as with the recent arrival of large groups of migrants from the Middle East, the ‘fear of Islam,’ and the right wing propaganda regarding Muslims as a threat is increasing. Islamophobia can be seen as a new form of racism used by elites to serve particular agendas. If media practitioners applied a more critical awareness in their writings so as not to reproduce culturally rooted stereotypes, which can inflame conflicts between people and nations, we might see less hostility against migrants and achieve a less racist world.