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Die Beilegung von Investitionsstreitigkeit erfolgt innerhalb des ICSID-Systems durch die nicht ständigen und für jeden Fall neu gebildeten ICSID-Schiedsgerichte. Mit Institutionen zur Sicherung der homogenen Entwicklung der Rechtsprechung wie die EG-Generalanwälte, die EG-Vorabentscheidung, das WTO-„Appellate Body“ oder die einem Berufungsverfahren gleichstehende Verweisung an die Große Kammer des EMRGH ist allerdings das ICSID-System nicht ausgestattet. Vielmehr ist die Möglichkeit einer Berufung innerhalb des ICSID-Systems ausdrücklich ausgeschlossen. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird die Homogenität der ICSID-Rechtsprechung geprüft, um festzustellen, ob die Rechtsprechung der für jeden Fall neu gebildeten ICSID-Schiedsgerichte derartige Dissonanzen aufweist, die das ICSID-System reformbedürftig machen. Die Prüfung der Homogenität der ICSID-Rechtsprechung bezieht sich auf die Auslegung von gleichen bzw. ähnlichen Bestimmungen völkerrechtlicher Investitionsschutzabkommen sowie des ICSID-Übereinkommens selbst durch die ICSID-Schiedsgerichte und betrifft im einzelnen die folgenden Themen: (a) Definition des Begriffs „Investition“ im Sinne des ICSID-Übereinkommens. (b) Ausdehnung der Reichweite der Meistbegünstigungsklausel auf Verfahrensvorschriften. (c) Zuständigkeit der ICSID-Schiedsgerichte für reine Verletzungen von Investitionsverträgen mittels weiter Streitbeilegungsvorschriften und Regenschirmklauseln. (d) Standard der Enteignungsentschädigung und Unterscheidung zwischen indirekter Enteignung und staatlicher Regulierung. (e) Völkervertraglicher und völkergewohnheitsrechtlicher Notstand. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die ICSID-Rechtsprechung an Heterogenität leidet. Dementsprechend bildet der Mangel an Mechanismen zur Sicherung der Homogenität der ICSID-Rechtsprechung ein schwerwiegendes institutionelles Defizit. Es ist daher dringend, dass das ICSID-System unmittelbar reformiert wird, vorzugsweise durch die Schaffung einer ICSID-Berufungsinstanz. / The settlement of investment disputes within the ICSID system is carried out by the ICSID arbitral tribunals which are non-permanent judicial bodies. Every separate case is adjudicated by a different tribunal. The ICSID system, however, does not provide for any institutions similar to the EC Advocate Generals, the EC preliminary rulings, the WTO Appellate Body or to the appeal-like process of the referral to the Grand Chamber of the ECHR capable of securing the homogenous development of the case-law. Moreover, the possibility of appeal of an arbitral award is explicitly excluded within the ICSID system. The present thesis examines the homogeneity of the ICSID jurisprudence in order to ascertain whether the case-law of the separate and not standing ICSID panels proves to be so inconsistent that the ICSID system is in need of reform. The study of the homogeneity of the ICSID jurisprudence concerns the interpretation of identical and similar provisions laid down in international investment treaties as well as of the ICSID Convention itself by the ICSID panels. In particular, it deals with the following topics: (a) Definition of the term “investment” pursuant to the ICSID Convention. (b) Extension of the scope of application of the most-favoured-nation clause to procedural provisions. (c) Jurisdiction of ICSID tribunals over mere violations of an investment contract through broad dispute settlement clauses and umbrella clauses. (d) Standard of compensation for expropriation and distinction between indirect expropriation and state regulation. (e) State of necessity under customary and investment treaty law. This study comes to the conclusion that the ICSID jurisprudence suffers from heterogeneity. Thus, the lack of mechanisms able to secure the consistency of the ICSID case-law constitutes a serious institutional deficit. It is, therefore, urgent to reform the ICSID system immediately, preferably by way of establishing an ICSID appellate authority.

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The problem statement mainly deals with the curtailment of the high function status of Afrikaans in South Africa since 1994 as this has a negative impact on the six million mother tongue speakers of Afrikaans as well as on non-mother tongue speakers for whom the language has an instrumental value. The question is raised as to whether myth making around Afrikaans can be held partly responsible for this loss in status. The term “myth” and the impact of myths are looked into. “Myth” is not used in this thesis as a “story without ground” (as in the dictionary definition), but, according to the work of Jung, Campbell, Leroux, Malan and others, as a story/narrative that gives voice to man’s search for meaning and significance. The main points of departure are: · The viewpoint of the well-known twentieth-century mythologist, Joseph Campbell, who states: “Myths are stories of our search through the ages for truth, for meaning, for significance (Campbell in Flowers 1988:5); and · The statement of Malan (1978:39) namely that myth has always been the way in which man has tried to explain the sense, significance and purpose of the cosmos by means of a simple narrative. Myth making within groups (Anderson 1991: “imagined communities”) is viewed and the role of of political myth making explicitly stated. In this regard the statement of Leonard Thompson is relevant. Thompson (1985:3) points to two kinds of myths, namely: 1) “conservative myths” (for example about the origins of a group); and 2) “radical myths” (that aim to discredit the regime of “the other”). In the discourse about myths around Afrikaans the point of departure is that the specific myth is regarded as positive or negative in terms of its impact on the status and position of Afrikaans in South Africa. The two “main” myths around Afrikaans are discussed by exemplification and by means of anecdotes and the impact of the said myths on Afrikaans is evaluated. The two myths are: · Afrikaans as mythical binding force in Afrikaner nationalism in (mainly) the first fifty years of the twentieth century; and · Afrikaans as metaphorical language of the oppressor, especially in the period of institutionalized apartheid. The impact of the above myths within various Afrikaans systems (among others the historiography and literature of Afrikaans and the school syllabi) is furthermore exemplified with the purpose of indicating how great this impact has been. Finally the question is asked: ”And now, Afrikaans?” (with acknowledgement to the title of a publication by Hans du Plessis, 1992: “En nou, Afrikaans?”). The conclusion is that the status of Afrikaans in the so-called high language functions is daily under more pressure as a result of the hegemony of English in the country. There should be rational and firm negotiations about this unconstitutional curtailment of the rights of Afrikaans. The speakers of Afrikaans can, however, help to preserve the language by: 1. Living with the myths around Afrikaans in the sense that they develop and demonstrate understanding and empathy for the myths of other groups; 2. Using Afrikaans daily for all functions, especially seeing that Afrikaans is indeed suitably developed to meet any need; and 3. Working towards new myth making around Afrikaans, by – among other things – pointing to the fact that Afrikaans, as a language of Africa, has a greater claim to national language status in South Africa than the international language, English. / Thesis (DLitt (Afrikaans))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Afrikaans / unrestricted

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