M.Litt et Phil. / In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.

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This thesis will argue that from early in the Cold War Britain developed a propaganda apparatus designed to fight the Cold War on an ideological front, and that in the period from 1945 to 1951 the role of propaganda grew from being an adjunct to foreign policy to become an integral part of British Cold War strategy. Britain was the first country to formulate a coordinated response to communist propaganda. In January 1948, the Government launched a new propaganda policy designed to 'oppose the inroads of Communism, by taking the offensive against it. ' The development of this anti-communist propaganda policy will be the main focus of this thesis. It will also be shown that from the earliest stages in the development of Britain's response to communist propaganda, the degree to which such activities could be coordinated with United States Government was a primary consideration. It will be shown that cooperation and eventually coordination of propaganda activities with the United States Government became a defining feature of Britain's anticommunist propaganda policy. This was particularly the case following the launch of the American 'Campaign of Truth' in 1950. Faced with a formidable and highly organised communist propaganda machine officials in both Britain and America came to realise the value of a unified response. As both nations developed their own policies for offensive anti-communist propaganda, cooperation became an increasingly important element, as Britain and America sought to 'shoot at the same target from different angles. ' The thesis is comprised of an introduction and conclusion and four chapters covering: the origins of British and American anticommunist propaganda policies, 1945-1947; launching Britain's new propaganda policy, 1948; building a concerted counter-offensive, cooperation with other powers, 1948-1950; 'Close and continuous liaison. ' British and American cooperation, 1950-1951.

This doctoral thesis studies a cycle of British film and television fictions produced in the years 2005-2011 and set retrospectively in the 1980s. In its identification and in-depth textual and contextual analysis of what it terms the ‘Eighties Cycle’, it offers a significant contribution to British film and television scholarship. It examines eighties-set productions as members of a sub-genre of British recent-past period dramas begging unique consideration outside of comparisons to British ‘heritage’ dramas, to contemporary social dramas or to actual history. It shows that incentives for depicting the eighties are wide-ranging; consequently, it situates productions within their cultural and industrial contexts, exploring how these dictate which eighties codes are cited and how they are textually used. The Introduction delineates the Eighties Cycle, establishes the project’s academic and historical basis and outlines its approach. Chapter 1 situates the work within the academic fields that inform it, briefly surveying histories and socio-cultural studies before examining and assessing existing scholarship on Eighties Cycle productions alongside critical literature on 1980s, 90s and contemporary British film and television; nostalgia and retro; modern media, history and memory; British and American period screen fiction; and transmedia storytelling. Chapter 2 considers how a selection of productions employing ‘the eighties’ as a visual and audio style invoke and assign meaning to commonly recognised aesthetic codes according to their targeted audiences and/or intended messages. Chapter 3 investigates semi-autobiographical dramas that bear the mark of remembering, from the vantage point of the present, a time of fast expansions and shifts in the global media landscape. Chapter 4 explores how historical fictions locate historical knowledge in the decade’s refraction through modern media and reconstruct, deconstruct or ironise these mediations to meet particular cultural or industrial demands. Chapter 5 identifies two spin-offs that exploit shifts toward transmedia production and distribution by using eighties iconography as the set pieces for an immersive fantasy world, considering how and why their source texts are adapted and what this implies for past representation. Finally, the Conclusion reviews the project’s findings and briefly considers possible factors for the cycle’s deceleration and transformation after 2011. Ultimately, this project sees the Eighties Cycle as a by-product of shifts in Britain toward advanced globalisation and new mediation that have facilitated access to domestic and international mediated recent pasts. These productions operate within a distinct recent-past period screen fiction mode, engaging audiences equipped with comprehensive notions of the eighties as circulated in media. Meaning is produced in how these notions are structured; sometimes they are lauded, sometimes parodied, sometimes criticised or ironised, and sometimes they are simply cited for the sheer pleasure of recall.

Cette thèse étudie les logiques et les moyens du combat en mer dans l’Atlantique du début de l’époque moderne. Les XVIe et XVIIe siècles voient la diffusion puis le perfectionnement de l’artillerie embarquée sur les navires des grandes puissances atlantiques (France, Angleterre, Espagne, Portugal, Provinces-Unies), ce qui provoque de larges recompositions dans les pratiques de la guerre sur mer. Le combat naval passe ainsi d’un corps-à-corps nécessaire, en l’absence d’armes à distance efficaces, à un éventail d’options et d’hybridations entre des tactiques anciennes comme l’abordage et l’usage de l’artillerie, jusqu’à l’apparition d’un nouveau paradigme hégémonique du combat en mer avec la ligne de bataille au milieu du XVIIe siècle. Si cette évolution a été évoquée dans le cadre général du débat sur la « Révolution militaire », le combat en mer a jusqu’à présent été relativement ignoré au profit d’analyses sur le temps très long, sans détailler les ambiguïtés et les subtilités de cette période de transition — ce que cette thèse se propose de faire. Ce travail applique en outre au combat en mer le renouvellement méthodologique à l’œuvre depuis quarante ans dans l’histoire de la guerre : au lieu de se concentrer sur des questions générales de tactiques et de formations, ou de tenter de distribuer l’éloge ou le blâme sur des figures d’amiraux célèbres, il s’agit au contraire de se rapprocher le plus possible du combattant. En particulier, cette thèse se penche sur l’expérience individuelle du combat, les logiques et les gestes qui permettent la survie sur le champ de bataille, et l’horizon sensoriel qui enveloppe les acteurs de la guerre sur mer. / This dissertation studies the tools and the logics of naval warfare in the Early Modern Atlantic. The wide spreading and improvement of shipboard artillery in the 16th and 17th centuries, applied to the main Atlantic countries (France, England, Spain, Portugal, Dutch Republic) trigger deep transformations in Atlantic naval warfare. The main paradigm of battle thereby evolves from traditional tactics such as boarding and hand-to-hand fighting, towards a widespread use of artillery, until a new paradigm emerges in the mid-17th century in the shape of the line of battle. This general evolution has been tackled most notably within the “Military Revolution” debate, but naval warfare has been a side subject in those discussions and was for the most part included in very wide-ranging analysis. Those don’t really do justice do the uncertainties and the subtleties of this transition period, as this dissertation intends to do. Furthermore, this work applies to naval battle the evolutions in the history of warfare in the last 40 years by focusing less on tactics and formations, on blaming or lauding great admirals of the past, and more on the individual experience of fighting. In particular, this dissertation focuses on men within the battle, the logics and the gestures that allow for survival, and the sensory environment surrounding the protagonists of naval combat.

戰爭與國家的形成、發展與變化具有密切的關係，只是戰爭對不同國家所產生的影響有著不同的程度而已。學者研究戰爭在國史上的影響時，其視線往往只停留在戰爭與近代中國發展的關係，尤其關注戰爭如何促使近代中國發展成具備現代意義的國家。然而，戰爭對古代中國同樣產生了深遠的影響。 / 國史上有所謂「中興」，就是王朝因外族入侵或內部叛亂而導致覆亡，在文臣武將的支持下，宗室成員或成功撲滅叛亂勢力，或成功抵擋入侵勢力，從而延續了王朝的統治，南宋就屬於這一類中興王朝，宋高宗(1127-1162在位)亦被視為中興之主。宣和七年(1125)，金人撕毀了與北宋簽定的合作協議，揮軍南侵，兵鋒直抵北宋國都開封。雖然宋廷成功通過議和讓金人退兵，但是，金人很快就再次南侵，並攻破開封，徽宗(1101-1125在位)、欽宗(1126-1127位)及大批宗室、士民成為金人俘虜。高宗在臣民支持下繼承皇位於應天府，開創建了南宋王朝。從高宗繼位伊始，直至紹興十二年(1142)宋金締結和約的十多年間，兩國一直處於敵對狀態，戰事不斷。如何建構一套適應戰爭形勢的國家體制，以保障新生政權得以延續，就成為高宗及其委任的宰相所必須要面對的問題。呂頤浩(1071-1139)在這段戰爭時期兩次拜相，是南宋成功擺脫危機、走向穩定的重要人物之一。 / 本論文以戰爭與南宋的關係為框架，以呂頤浩執政期間所從事的戰時建設為研究個案，目的是分析高宗初年的宰相在面對王朝處於戰爭時，是如何從制度變革入手去從事內部建設，以及這些變革所產生的影響。本論文有兩個核心部分：第一部分是分析呂頤浩各方面的資訊，包括家世背景、仕宦經歷、性格特點、人際網絡關係，以及高宗起用他為相的幾個關鍵因素，上述的討論將有助於我們理解及解釋呂頤浩執政期間的作為；第二部分是分析呂頤浩執政期間所建構的戰時政治體制及戰時財政體制，以及這些措施對南宋得以存續所產生的效用，以及對南宋的政治發展、制度變革產生了甚麼樣的影響。 / Wars are said to have a profound influence on a country’s formation, development, and change. Previous studies of Chinese war history focused on its modern period, and, in particular, how China transformed into a modern country. However, wars have also had great impact on traditional China. / In Chinese historiography there is a phenomenon called zhongxing 中興 (restoration). Non-Han Chinese invasions or civil wars resulted in the collapse of some empires. With the support of civil and military officials, imperial clan members suppress rebel forces, or resisted invasions from non- Han Chinese peoples, and thus continued the reign of the dynasty. The Southern Song is recognized as a period of restoration engineered by Emperor Gaozong 高宗. / In 1125, the Jurchen emperor subverted the cooperation agreement signed with the Northern Song, and led his army towards Kaifeng, the Northern Song capital. The Song court made peace with the Jurchen army, who soon invaded Kaifeng again, and eventually destroyed this Chinese empire. Emperor Huizong 徽宗, Emperor Qinzong 欽宗, a large number of imperial clan, as well as people in the city were all captured by the Jurchen. Gaozong inherited the throne at Yingtianfu 應天府, which marked the setting up of the Southern Song dynasty. From then on, the Song and the Jurchen were in a state of hostility for more than 10 years until they signed a peace treaty in 1142. During the wartime, Gaozong and his subordinates were faced with the problem of how to construct a wartime institution to protect the new regime’s continuity. It is in this critical moment of history that Lü Yihao (1071-1139) was appointed twice by Gaozong as chief minister. And Lü became one of the most important figures of the Southern Song who overcame the crisis and led the country into stability. / The relationship between wars and the Southern Song dynasty forms the framework of this dissertation, with the wartime construction pushed forward by Lü as a case study. The main aim of this thesis is to analyze the way how Lü engages the internal construction to start from the institutional change, as well as the impact of these changes. / This dissertation is in two components. The first one is an analysis of basic information pertaining to Lü Yihao’s family and education background, experience in officialdom, personality characteristics, social network, and why Gaozong appointed him as chief minister. This will help us understand Lü’s policy in detail. The second one is to analyze the ways Lü constructs the wartime political institution and wartime financial institution, the effectiveness of these measures, as well as the impacts on political development and institutional change of the Southern Song after Lü stepped down from his office. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 梁偉基. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 270-297). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Liang Weiji. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 問題的提出及其意義 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 個案的選取及其原因 --- p.8 / Chapter 第三節 --- 研究的動向及其得失 --- p.14 / Chapter 第四節 --- 史料的選用及其類別 --- p.24 / Chapter 第五節 --- 討論的重點及其架構 --- p.25 / Chapter 第二章 --- 從山東寒士到中興名相 --- p.28 / Chapter 第一節 --- 西北二邊風雲變色 --- p.28 / Chapter 第二節 --- 家世及一舉及第 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節 --- 出仕及早年仕宦 --- p.46 / Chapter 第四節 --- 充滿爭議的政治人物 --- p.55 / Chapter 第五節 --- 全章總結 --- p.67 / Chapter 第三章 --- 中興名相的政治世界 --- p.69 / Chapter 第一節 --- 日常性人際網絡 --- p.69 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朋黨性人際網絡 --- p.89 / Chapter 第三節 --- 呂頤浩成功登場的原因 --- p.105 / Chapter 第四章 --- 全章總結 --- p.124 / Chapter 第四章 --- 戰時政治體制的確立 --- p.125 / Chapter 第一節 --- 揚州潰退後的政治危機 --- p.126 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政治動員的核心 --- p.145 / Chapter 第三節 --- 國家機構的變革 --- p.152 / Chapter 第四節 --- 皇帝御筆的強化 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五節 --- 中央與地方溝通管道的重開 --- p.176 / Chapter 第六章 --- 全章總結 --- p.188 / Chapter 第五章 --- 戰時財政體制的確立 --- p.191 / Chapter 第一節 --- 揚州潰退後的財政危機 --- p.192 / Chapter 第二節 --- 開源與節流 --- p.201 / Chapter 第三節 --- 戶部─都轉運司體制 --- p.208 / Chapter 第四節 --- 榷貨務─提舉茶鹽司體制 --- p.223 / Chapter 第五節 --- 臨安府─兩浙轉運司體制 --- p.232 / Chapter 第六節 --- 全章總結 --- p.238 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.242 / Chapter 第一節 --- 戰時宰相所具備的特點 --- p.242 / Chapter 第二節 --- 「外元祐，內熙豐」的政治理念 --- p.243 / Chapter 第三節 --- 後呂頤浩執政時代的形勢 --- p.244 / Chapter 附表一： --- 紹聖元年(1094)畢漸榜登科人名錄 --- p.250 / Chapter 附表二： --- 宣諭五使薦舉人材表 --- p.260 / Chapter 附表三： --- 呂頤浩執政時期歷任臨安知府 --- p.264 / Chapter 附表四： --- 紹興三年(1133)至乾道七年(1171)歷任臨安知府 --- p.266 / 徵引及參考書目 --- p.270

During the years between the Cold War and the Iraq War, neoconservatism underwent an important shift from a position sympathetic to realist thought to a position much closer to a particularly conservative form of liberal internationalism. This change has largely been ignored in the literature, and when discussed, simply attributed to new, more radical neoconservative actors replacing a more cautious cadre. This thesis utilises a ‘history of ideas’ approach to examine the evolution of neoconservative thought from an emphasis on stability and normality to one of ambitious transformation abroad and wide-ranging democracy promotion. It argues that this modification can be attributed to several material and ideational drivers. In material terms, the end of the Cold War and the ensuing decline of bipolarity in the international system in combination with the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 were pivotal events in neoconservatism’s evolution. The former removed the primary constraint on the use of American power overseas, while the latter demonstrated, as far as neoconservatives were concerned, the cost to the US of inaction and restraint abroad. Ideationally, the advent of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ thesis, an embrace of liberal democratic peace theory, and a religious ‘turn’ in neoconservative thought, all contributed to the development of a neoconservative foreign policy much more sympathetic to ideas of democracy promotion and humanitarian intervention.

European integration is a curious concept. There is stark disparity between some areas of policy that seemingly glide through the integration process, while others lag behind and despite decades of attempts, never reach the status of a fully-fledged area of European Union competence. Once such area is education. Through integration theories, political scientists have sought to explain how policies develop and are implemented at European level. This interdisciplinary study borrows the opposing theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism with the aim of identifying the influence of the supranational and the strength of the state in the evolution of a European Union education policy. It seeks to pinpoint how education can be placed within the construction of Europe and the process of early European integration to determine the feasibility of these integration theories in explaining the journey of education policy in the European context. Historical methodology is adopted, based on archival research at the Historical Archives of the European Union, using documentary analysis to trace the history of activities and initiatives relating to education between 1945-1976. Collective biography methodology is adopted to give space to the role of states in driving the scope, direction and extent of integration based on domestic interests, while a case study implements methodological triangulation to stress-test the case of education. The study proposes that education is a complex case that does not slot neatly into a theory of integration. Education is multifaceted, a cultural – while at the same time – economic component: it is woven into the fabric of nation-states, it contributes to increasing global competitiveness, it diversifies across borders, and its development is attached to temporality and context. Despite suggestions that the state is diminishing in power, education serves as an example to demonstrate that the state is very much alive and at the centre of certain areas of policy development at European level.