Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit der Fragestellung, wie die Wortbetonung in der kanonischen Lallenphase organisiert ist. Diese Entwicklungsphase tritt für gewöhnlich in der zweiten Hälfte des ersten Lebensjahres auf, wenn Kleinkinder erstmalig phonetisch wohlgeformte Silben äußern. Dabei gibt es jedoch noch keine klare Beziehung zwischen Wortbedeutung und bestimmten Sprachlauten. Die Einzelsilben werden allerdings schon zu größeren wortartigen Einheiten zusammengefügt und erscheinen in betonten wie unbetonten Positionen. Es wurden Sprachdaten von sieben deutschlernenden Kindern im Alter zwischen 0;5 und 1;0 gesammelt. Die phonetisch wohlgeformten Lalläußerungen wurden einer Reihe von perzeptiven und akustischen Analysen unterzogen, um der Frage nach einer bereits vorhandenen prosodischen Organisation der Wortbetonung nachzugehen. Die Äußerungen der Probanden werden anschließend mit einem theoretischen Parametermodell verglichen. Hierbei wird untersucht, ob Lalläußerungen eher sprachliche Universalien vorweisen oder doch eher durch ihre sprachliche Umgebung beinflusst sind. Dazu wird eigens eine Reanalyse des Betonungssystems des Deutschen vorgenommen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass eine leichte Tendenz hin zum trochäischen Betonungsmuster in Zweisilbern zu erkennen ist. Diese Tendenz lässt sich allerdings nur mit zwei der fünf Analysemethoden der vorliegenden Arbeit nachweisen. Bei Mehrsilbern scheint die Lage der hauptbetonten Silbe durch keine Analysemethode vorhersagbar zu sein. Es kann dennoch festgestellt werden, dass Silben vom Typus CVV in signifikanter Weise Betonung auf sich ziehen. Diese Ergebnisse lassen den Schluss zu, dass die Parameter der Betonungszuweisung während des kanonischen Lallens noch nicht zur Gänze gesetzt sind. Nur diejenigen für Fußform und Quantitätssensitivität erscheinen so konfiguriert, dass ein Einfluß der Umgebungssprache, des Deutschen, erkennbar wird. / The current work addresses the question, how word stress is organised during the developmental stage of Canonical Babbling, which usually emerges in the second half of the first year of life. In this period infants begin to utter phonetically well-formed syllables, although there is no clear relationship between meaning and single speech sounds. However, syllables are combined to form larger word-like units containing prominent and less prominent syllables. Data was gathered from seven German-learning infants aged between 0;5 and 1;0. The phonetically well-formed babbling vocalizations were subject to perceptual and acoustical analyses, in order to find out whether there is already a prosodic organization of word stress. The subjects'' utterances are then compared to a theoretical parametric framework. It will be examined, whether babbling vocalizations are more universal or rather influenced by the ambient language. Therefore a reanalysis of the German system of word stress will be undertaken. Results indicate that there is a weak tendency towards the trochaic stress pattern in disyllabic babbles. This tendency is, however, only predictable in two of the five analysis parameters used in this study. In polysyllabic vocalizations, the location of main stress appears not to be predictable by any analysis. It can nevertheless be stated that CVV syllables tend to attract stress significantly. These results point to the fact, that the parameters of word stress assignment are not yet completely set during Canonical Babbling. Instead, only those for foot shape and quantity-sensitivity appear to be set in a fashion reflecting an influence of the subjects'' ambient language, German.

Abstract The central goal of this study was to study how contrastive accent is realised phonetically in three regional varieties of Standard Spoken Finnish. Speakers from the Oulu, Turku and Tampere regions produced unaccented and contrastively accented versions of the target words. Fundamental frequencies and segment durations were measured in all the target words, and in the contrastively accented versions also the temporal distance of the F0 peak from word onset. In the unaccented words, F0 fluctuations were very small, indicating once more that in Finnish, too, mere word stress is not realised tonally. In the words with CV.CV(X) structure, the lengthening of segment durations due to stress was restricted to the initial syllable in Tampere, whereas in Oulu and Turku the lengthening extended to the second syllable. The width of the fall-rise F0 pattern realising contrastive accent was in all word structures widest in the Oulu variety, and the narrowest in the Tampere variety. In the Turku variety CV.CV(X) words, the F0 peak occurred further away from word onset than in any other words investigated. The differences in segment durations among the varieties were similar in the unaccented words and in the contrastively accented ones, with one exception: the duration of V1 in the unaccented CV.CV(X) words was the same across the varieties, but in the contrastively accented CV.CV(X) words the duration of V1 was shorter in the Turku variety than in the other varieties. The durational ratio of V1 and V2 in the Turku variety – as in the Oulu variety – was different from the durational ratio in the Tampere variety: in Turku and Oulu V2 had a longer duration than V1, whereas in Tampere V1 had a longer duration than V2. This confirms earlier observations that Turku and Oulu belong to regions in which the V2 of CV.CV(X) words is half-long (longer than V1), but Tampere does not. However, the present study shows that the relative half-long duration of the V2 of CV.CV(X) words is achieved differently in Turku and Oulu: in Turku through the short duration of V1, but in Oulu through the long duration of V2. / Tiivistelmä Tämän tutkimuksen keskeisin tavoite oli selvittää, miten kontrastiivinen aksentti toteutuu foneettisesti kolmelta eri suomen murrealueelta kotoisin olevien yleiskielisessä puheessa. Oulun, Turun ja Tampereen seuduilta kotoisin olevat koehenkilöt tuottivat tutkimuksen jokaisesta kohdesanasta sekä aksentoimattoman että kontrastiivisesti aksentoidun esiintymän. Tuotetuista kohdesanoista mitattiin perustaajuuksia, äännesegmenttien kestot sekä kontrastiivisesti aksentoituiduista sanoista F0:n huipun etäisyys sanan alusta. Aksentoimattomissa sanoissa F0:n muutokset olivat kaikissa tutkituissa suomen varieteeteissa erittäin vähäisiä, mikä taas kerran todisti, ettei suomessakaan pelkkä sanapaino toteudu tonaalisesti. Sanapainon toteutumisessa kestojen avulla oli varieteettien välisiä eroja CV.CV(X)-rakenteisissa sanoissa: Tampereen varieteetissa sanapainon toteutumisala rajoittui ensimmäiseen tavuun, mutta Turun ja Oulun varieteeteissa se ulottui myös toiseen tavuun. Kontrastiivista aksenttia toteuttavan F0:n nousu–lasku-kuvion laajuus oli kaiken rakenteisissa kohdesanoissa suurin Oulun varieteetissa, pienempi Turun varieteetissa ja kaikkein pienin Tampereen varieteetissa. Muutoin kontrastiivisen aksentin toteutumisessa F0:n avulla oli huomattavia varieteettien välisiä eroja vain CV.CV(X)-rakenteisissa sanoissa: Turun varieteetin CV.CV(X)-sanoissa F0:n huippukohta sijaitsi kauempana sanan alusta kuin kaikissa muissa tutkituissa sanoissa, eli kauempana kuin muun rakenteisissa Turun varieteetin sanoissa ja kaiken rakenteisissa Oulun ja Tampereen varieteettien sanoissa. Varieteettien väliset segmenttien kestoerot olivat samat aksentoimattomissa ja kontrastiivisesti aksentoiduissa sanoissa, lukuun ottamatta sitä, että CV.CV(X)-rakenteisten sanojen V1:n kestossa ei aksentoimattomissa sanoissa ollut varieteettien välisiä eroja, mutta kontrastiivisesti aksentoiduissa sanoissa kyseisen segmentin kesto oli lyhempi Turun varieteetissa kuin muissa varieteeteissa. Tällä tavoin Turun varieteetin kontrastiivisesti aksentoiduissa CV.CV(X)-sanoissa toteutui V1:n ja V2:n kestosuhde, joka – samoin kuin Oulun varieteetin vastaava kestosuhde – poikkeaa Tampereen varieteetin vastaavasta kestosuhteesta: Turussa ja Oulussa V2 on V1:tä pitempikestoinen, Tampereella päinvastoin V1:n kesto on V2:n kestoa suurempi. Tämä vahvistaa ne aiempien tutkimusten tulokset, että Turku ja Oulu ovat ns. puolipidennysmurteiden aluetta, mutta Tampere ei. Kuitenkin tämä tutkimus osoitti, että kontrastiivisesti aksentoitujen sanojen puolipidennys saadaan Turun varieteetissa aikaan pikemminkin lyhytkestoisen V1:n kuin pitkäkestoisen V2:n avulla, kun taas Oulun varieteetissa puolipidennys syntyy nimenomaan pitkäkestoisen V2:n avulla. Kaiken kaikkiaan suurin osa tutkimuksessa todetuista varieteettien välisistä selvistä perustaajuus- ja kestoeroista koski CV.CV(X)-rakenteisia sanoja, jotka ovatkin erikoinen suomen sanatyyppi yksimoraisen ensi tavunsa vuoksi.

Word stress is crucial for language perception and production as it enables lexical access and speech segmentation. Phonetically, word stress is cued through higher pitch, duration, and intensity. These cues are weighted differently in production and perception by language learners from different backgrounds. Slavic English learners, especially with a fixed-stress West Slavic language background like Czech but also with a variable-stress South Slavic background like Bulgarian face difficulties in word stress acquisition. Their stress placement errors cannot be fully explained by direct transfer and highlight a more complex relation between the target and the native language. This thesis thus aims to explore the perception and production of English word stress cues by speakers of Slavonic Englishes based on evidence from an EEG study on Slavic and German English word stress cue perception and a phonological and phonetic study on Czech English (CzE) features. These findings are used for the conceptualization of a perception and production training tool. First, the concepts of cue and feature are reviewed in an effort to bridge psycho- and sociolinguistics and create credible language stimuli. Then, the Event-Related Potentials study demonstrates that Slavic and German English speakers successfully process first- and second-syllable stress changes cued through pitch, duration, and intensity. Still, speakers of Slavic languages (with a rather syllable-timed rhythm) perceived first and second syllable stress similarly whereas speakers of German (with a rather stress-timed rhythm) perceived the second syllable deviation as more salient. A study on the role of word stress in the CzE feature inventory shows that syllable-timed rhythm also affects production, as speakers lack vowel reduction and add additional stress to longer words. Compared to Bulgarian English (BgE), CzE shows differences in stress features but an overall lack of consistency in their use to differentiate primary from secondary and unstressed syllables. These findings are integrated in the conceptualization of a High-Variability Phonetic Training (HVPT) system featuring segmentals and suprasegmentals. Overall, this thesis finds group differences in foreign language perception and production of word stress and applies them in the development of customized language learning solutions.:List of Figures ix List of Tables xiii List of Abbreviations xv Acknowledgements xvii 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Issue: Perception and production of English word stress cues 1 1.2 Language selection 5 1.3 Association 8 1.4 Research questions and outline 10 2 Background 13 2.1 Word stress 13 2.1.1 Assignment 17 2.1.2 Shifting 23 2.1.3 Rhythm 25 2.2 Word stress perception and production 26 2.2.1 Word stress cues and features 27 2.2.2 Sensitivity to word stress 30 2.2.3 Word stress acquisition 31 2.3 Methods for studying word stress perception and production 35 2.3.1 Behavioral methods 35 2.3.2 Psychophysiological methods 36 2.3.3 Phonological and phonetic methods 47 3 From Cues to Features 49 3.1 Introduction 50 3.2 The concepts of cue and feature in Psycho- and Sociolinguistics 51 3.2.1 Cue 51 3.2.2 Feature 55 3.2.3 From features to cues, from cues to features 59 3.3 The need for non-native experimental stimuli in Psycholinguistics 59 3.3.1 The validity of stimuli representing language cues and features in experimental designs 61 3.3.2 Mirroring features of non-native English 61 3.4 Considerations in the design of non-native experimental stimuli in Psycholinguistics 63 3.4.1 Methodological challenges 63 3.4.2 Using cues to represent features 64 3.5 Implications for TESOL 66 3.6 Conclusion 67 4 ERP Evidence for Slavic and German Word Stress Cue Sensitivity in English 69 4.1 Introduction 70 4.2 Materials and methods 78 4.2.1 Stimuli and paradigm 78 4.2.2 Participants 81 4.2.3 Experimental procedure 82 4.3 Results 84 4.4 Discussion 89 4.4.1 Slavic and German word stress sensitivity in English 89 4.4.2 Applications in language technologies and learning 97 4.5 Conclusion 98 5 Czech English Word Stress Features 101 5.1 Introduction 102 5.2 Methodology 105 5.2.1 Participants 105 5.2.2 Interview schedule 105 5.2.3 Transcription and data analysis 106 5.3 Results and Discussion 109 5.3.1 Czech English features 109 5.3.2 Word stress features 120 5.4 Applications 125 5.5 Conclusion 132 6 Training English Word Stress Perception and Production with Technology 135 6.1 Introduction 136 6.2 Background 137 6.2.1 Teaching word stress 137 6.2.2 Technology in word stress teaching 139 6.3 HVPT tool concept 141 6.4 Discussion 144 6.5 Conclusion 145 7 General Conclusion 147 7.1 Summary and conclusions 147 7.2 Contributions to the field 150 7.3 Limitations and outlook 153 References 157 A Appendix 189 A.1 Data availability 189 A.2 German summary 189 A.3 Supplementary materials 192 A.4 Eigenständigkeitserklärung 200