The purpose of this study was to examine the effectiveness of water and sanitation service delivery in resource-limited settings using two different social theories (modernization and world system). Understanding that barriers to effectiveness are rooted in global structures that tend to present at local levels helps redefine the problem leading to comprehensive policies and practices. The guiding research questions included an identification of an effectiveness gap in services delivered in developed countries compared to those in developing countries. This study included a survey of water and sanitation professionals gauging their opinions on trends within the sector. Survey respondents demonstrated that the sector tends to align with localized (i.e. modernist) approaches. This may explain the perpetuation of differential patterns in water and sanitation access and associated diseases and deaths in developing countries. Through a case study of Partners In Health (PIH), a medical-oriented non-governmental organization used as a proxy for water and sanitation organizations, this work illustrated why personal and organizational philosophies and perspectives influence how we organize and act. It concludes with a discussion of engineering decision making through the lenses offered by modernization and world system theories; presents an organizational structure that allows organizations to overcome theoretical and geographic boundaries; and offers a set of recommendations learned from PIH and those the sector does well. This research shows how water and sanitation organizations, practices, and policies that consider local and global forces are more effective at delivering services in developing countries than those focusing solely on local forces. / Ph. D.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Strategies for South Africa’s development are often analysed from a predominantly economic perspective, overlooking the key role that political and sociocultural elements play in the developmental process. This study will assess possible development strategies by making use of the modern world-systems (MWS) theoretical perspective, due to the theory’s holistic approach to development. The question is posed whether South Africa – in accordance with the MWS perspective – will be able to ascend from its current semi-peripheral position in the hierarchy of the modern world-system to the core group of states by 2025. The components for national development are all-encompassing and require an increase in state strength, long-term economic development, and domestic and international sociocultural influence. Prospects for South Africa’s ascent to the core have been explored within a 15-20 year time period because the capitalist world-economy is currently still in a phase of contraction, or B-phase of growth (1973-2025). The modern world-systems theoretical approach asserts that country mobility is more likely during this phase and that ascent in the hierarchy will be increasingly difficult when the world-economy begins its expansionary phase around 2025. The study concludes that South Africa faces numerous external and internal constraints to its development, despite the noteworthy economic, political and sociocultural incentives that it could potentially capitalise on over the next fifteen years. It is anticipated that these constraints will place the country in a position whereby it will be unable to reap the benefits of the most optimal developmental strategies put forward by the modern world-systems approach; hence it will be severely challenged to attain core status by 2025. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Strategieë vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika word meerendeels geanaliseer vanuit ‘n hoofsaaklike ekonomiese invalshoek en dit het tot gevolg dat die rol wat politieke en sosio-kulturele aspekte in die ontwikkelingsproses speel nie op ag geslaan word nie. Die studie evalueer moontlike ontwikkelings-strategieë vir Suid-Afrika deur gebruik te maak van die moderne wêreld-sisteem teoretiese benadering (MWS) wat ‘n meer holistiese perspektief op ontwikkeling bied. Die vraag word gevra of Suid- Afrika – in ooreenstemming met die uitganspunte van MWS - teen 2025 sal kan vorder tot die kategorie van “kern-staat”, vanaf sy huidige status as “semi-periferale staat”. Die allesomvattende komponente vir ontwikkeling wat MWS identifiseer vereis die groei van staatskapasiteit, langtermyn ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en die uitbreiding van regionale en internasionale sosio-kulturele invloed. Die vooruitsigte vir Suid-Afrika se opgang is nagevors oor die verloop van ‘n 15-20 jaar tydperk, aangesien die kapitalistiese wêreld-ekonomie tans in ‘n fase van kontraksie verkeer (B-fase van groei) tussen 1973-2025. Die MWS benadering argumenteer dat opwaartse mobiliteit van state meer waarskynlik is tydens ‘n B-fase van groei en dat opgang moeiliker sal word wanneer die wêreld-ekonomie weer ‘n ekspansionistiese fase van groei betree in 2025. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrika se ontwikkelings-uitdagings deur beide eksterne en interne faktore bemoeilik word, nieteenstaande moontlike sterkpunte op ekonomiese, politieke en sosio-kulturele gebied waarop dit sou kon kapitaliseer oor die volgende 15 jaar. Hierdie faktore, word geargumenteer, sal veroorsaak dat die optimale ontwikkelingstrategieë wat deur ander state gevolg is, nie deur Suid-Afrika nagevolg sal kan word nie, en dat gevolglik, sonder innoverende strategieë, die kanse dat die land kern-status teen 2025 sal bereik, gering is.

La thèse vise à analyser la structure des échanges transnationaux de cocaïne, d’héroïne et de marijuana. Partant de la perspective des systèmes-mondes, l’hypothèse que le trafic de drogues forme un système inverse au commerce légal est développée. Les outils de l’analyse de réseaux sont appliqués aux échanges de drogues entre pays. La thèse s’appuie sur deux sources de données complémentaires. La première est une banque d’informations uniques compilées par l’United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) sur les saisies d’importance effectuées dans le monde entre 1998 et 2007 (n = 47629). Ces données sont complétées par les informations contenues dans une dizaine de rapports publiés par des organismes internationaux de surveillance du trafic de drogues. Les réseaux d’échanges dirigés construits à partir de ces données permettent d’examiner l’étendue du trafic entre la plupart des pays du monde et de qualifier leur implication individuelle. Les chapitres 3 et 4 portent sur la structure du trafic elle-même. Dans un premier temps, les différents rôles joués par les pays et les caractéristiques des trois marchés de drogues sont comparés. Les quantités en circulation et les taux d’interception sont estimés pour les 16 régions géographiques définies par l’UNODC. Dans un deuxième temps, leurs caractéristiques structurelles sont comparées à celles des marchés légaux. Il en ressort que les marchés de drogues sont beaucoup moins denses et que les pays périphériques y jouent un rôle plus prononcé. L’inégalité des échanges caractérise les deux économies, mais leurs structures sont inversées. Le chapitre 5 propose une analyse de la principale source de risque pour les trafiquants, les saisies de drogues. Les données compilées permettent de démontrer que les saisies policières de drogues agrégées au niveau des pays sont principalement indicatrices du volume de trafic. L’éventuel biais lié aux pressions policières est négligeable pour les quantités saisies, mais plus prononcé pour le nombre de saisies. Les organismes de contrôle seraient donc plus à même de moduler leurs activités que les retombées éventuelles. Les résultats suggèrent aussi que les trafiquants adoptent des stratégies diverses pour limiter les pertes liées aux saisies. Le chapitre 6 s’attarde à l’impact de la structure sur le prix et la valeur des drogues. Le prix de gros varie considérablement d’un pays à l’autre et d’une drogue à l’autre. Ces variations s’expliquent par les contraintes auxquelles font face les trafiquants dans le cadre de leurs activités. D’une part, la valeur des drogues augmente plus rapidement lorsqu’elles sont destinées à des pays où les risques et les coûts d’importation sont élevés. D’autre part, la majoration des prix est plus prononcée lorsque les échanges sont dirigés vers des pays du cœur de l’économie légale. De nouveau, les rôles sont inversés : les pays généralement avantagés dépendent des plus désavantagés, et les pays pauvres en profitent pour exploiter les riches. / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the structure of transnational drug trafficking. Based on the world-system perspective, it is hypothesized that cocaine, heroin and marijuana form separate markets that are opposite to other legal trades in many ways. The analysis relies on two data sources. The first is a unique compilation of seizures gathered together by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The seizures were made between 1998 and 2007 (n = 47629). It is completed by intelligence published by various agencies across the world. The dataset allows the construction of directed networks of drug trade between most countries of the world. Chapters 3 and 4 analyze the structure of the trade itself. Firstly, the roles played by the countries in each market are described and compared. The flow of drugs and interception rates are estimated for each 16 geographic areas defined by the UNODC. Secondly, several structural characteristics of the drug markets are compared to other legal trade, namely coffee and chocolate. It is shown that drug trade networks are less dense and that peripheral countries play more important roles. While inequality is characteristic of both legal and illegal economies, their structure is reversed. In chapter 5, it is demonstrated that seizure data are mostly indicative of drug trafficking within a country. The expected law enforcement bias is negligible for quantities seized but more apparent when we look at the number of seizures. Thus, law enforcement agencies are better at planning operations against drug trafficking than at predicting their outcomes. The results presented in chapter 5 also suggest that traffickers use counter-strategies to reduce losses caused by drug seizures. The price and value of drugs show significant variations among countries. Those variations are usually explained by varying costs and pressures suffered by traffickers. Chapter 6 seeks to measure the impact of structural features on wholesale price and value. The value of drugs increases more sharply when the drugs are bound to countries where the risks of seizures are higher. Furthermore, price mark-ups are higher when the trade is directed to core countries. Again, the situation is reversed: richer countries that generally control all economic activities rely on peripheral countries to be supplied in drugs.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Donizete da Costa Junior.pdf: 918943 bytes, checksum: 744823e8703fb3eea7e706649671d5ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The aim of this research is to contribute towards the study of the major changes occurring in the international system since the twentieth century, specifically from the 70s on. The central question is: Is the United States of America living a "terminal crisis"? This question is not examined directly, but by means of a comparative analysis of two important lines of approach in International Relations: the world-system and the developmentalist. In the former, we turn to two authors, Giovanni Arrighi and Immanuel Wallerstein; in the latter, we turn to José Luís Fiori / O objetivo deste trabalho é contribuir para o estudo das grandes transformações que ocorrem no sistema internacional desde os anos 70 do século XX. A questão central é: os Estados Unidos da América vivem uma crise terminal ? Não examinamos esta questão diretamente, mas por intermédio da análise comparativa de duas importantes linhas de abordagem das Relações Internacionais: a do sistema-mundo e a desenvolvimentista. No primeiro caso, recorremos a dois autores, Giovanni Arrighi e Immanuel Wallerstein; no segundo, a José Luís Fiori

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Donizete da Costa Junior.pdf: 918943 bytes, checksum: 744823e8703fb3eea7e706649671d5ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The aim of this research is to contribute towards the study of the major changes occurring in the international system since the twentieth century, specifically from the 70s on. The central question is: Is the United States of America living a "terminal crisis"? This question is not examined directly, but by means of a comparative analysis of two important lines of approach in International Relations: the world-system and the developmentalist. In the former, we turn to two authors, Giovanni Arrighi and Immanuel Wallerstein; in the latter, we turn to José Luís Fiori / O objetivo deste trabalho é contribuir para o estudo das grandes transformações que ocorrem no sistema internacional desde os anos 70 do século XX. A questão central é: os Estados Unidos da América vivem uma crise terminal ? Não examinamos esta questão diretamente, mas por intermédio da análise comparativa de duas importantes linhas de abordagem das Relações Internacionais: a do sistema-mundo e a desenvolvimentista. No primeiro caso, recorremos a dois autores, Giovanni Arrighi e Immanuel Wallerstein; no segundo, a José Luís Fiori

<p>This thesis tries to evaluate the very large question of how globalization can be said to have an effect on democracy by reducing both concepts to a more usable format. In doing so it tries to evaluate how a special theory of democracy put forward by Robert Dahl in 1971 – polyarchy – could be said to be affected by the workings of contemporary globalization. When assessing the variables of the investigation, globalization is being represented by two constructed ideal images that are later measured against a set of seven variables extracted from Dahl’s theory.</p><p>By the use of qualitative text analysis the constructed ideal types help provide a framework for how one can measure the effects of globalization on polyarchy. The analysis ends in a result where it is clear that if globalization is understood as a neo-liberal ideal image it is making the circumstances for the creation of polyarchies in the future more favorable. However, if globalization is understood as an ideal image of world-system theory explanations then the circumstances for future polyarchies are less favorable. In a concluding discussion important implications of the results are highlighted when the thesis concludes that regardless of ideological starting point globalization can be said to affect the theory of polyarchy in such a way that it is in dire need of reevaluation. At the same time the essay concludes that whenever the concept of globalization is being used with scientific ambitions by politicians, they need to be aware of, and reflect, the different results that it brings depending on how it is explained.</p>

This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.

This essay aims to emphasize and clarify the positions that exist within the current globalization debate. The positions are the neo-liberal, the opponents, the pragmatists and the skeptics. The text presents and explains their ideological, moral and political positions and beliefs about the world, the nation state, the society and the individual; in light of Steven Lukes’ and Antonio Gramsci's theories regarding the interaction and the relationship between power and hegemony. The methodological starting point is the ideology-critical analysis; in which their arguments in the current globalization debate is highlighted and categorized. The neo-liberals consider globalization as a tool to legitimize the notion of the free, rational and autonomous individual – who in a free market chooses to contract, interact and relate to each other without facing any government intervention. Opponents see that globalization does not necessarily have to mean the spread of neoliberal economic doctrines – or government deregulation or privatization – but instead may represent a path towards a more just, democratic and inclusive world. Between these two diametrically opposed positions are the pragmatists; who argue that there must be a balance between political and economic freedom and government regulation and their institutional powers. Only then will globalization have the desired effects needed to be able to lift nations out of poverty, bring well being and evoke a greater temporal coherence at the global level. Finally, the skeptics’ viewpoint is that the concept of globalization is misleading and is used mainly as a diversion to hide the real interests – namely the U.S. ambitions to maintain its hegemonic position to continue to spread their neo-liberal ideology through the principles of free trade and democratization through the abolition of the welfare state. The analysis shows that the globalization debate is not primarily about what arguments are discussed at the present time, but instead deals with the political and ideological beliefs concerning how society should be designed and how the world should be comprehended and understood. The globalization debate is really about the individual and collective consciousness created by the liberal hegemonic exercise of power, and how this influence is manifested through the intellectual and moral leadership of the ruling class in the world today.

La thèse vise à analyser la structure des échanges transnationaux de cocaïne, d’héroïne et de marijuana. Partant de la perspective des systèmes-mondes, l’hypothèse que le trafic de drogues forme un système inverse au commerce légal est développée. Les outils de l’analyse de réseaux sont appliqués aux échanges de drogues entre pays. La thèse s’appuie sur deux sources de données complémentaires. La première est une banque d’informations uniques compilées par l’United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) sur les saisies d’importance effectuées dans le monde entre 1998 et 2007 (n = 47629). Ces données sont complétées par les informations contenues dans une dizaine de rapports publiés par des organismes internationaux de surveillance du trafic de drogues. Les réseaux d’échanges dirigés construits à partir de ces données permettent d’examiner l’étendue du trafic entre la plupart des pays du monde et de qualifier leur implication individuelle. Les chapitres 3 et 4 portent sur la structure du trafic elle-même. Dans un premier temps, les différents rôles joués par les pays et les caractéristiques des trois marchés de drogues sont comparés. Les quantités en circulation et les taux d’interception sont estimés pour les 16 régions géographiques définies par l’UNODC. Dans un deuxième temps, leurs caractéristiques structurelles sont comparées à celles des marchés légaux. Il en ressort que les marchés de drogues sont beaucoup moins denses et que les pays périphériques y jouent un rôle plus prononcé. L’inégalité des échanges caractérise les deux économies, mais leurs structures sont inversées. Le chapitre 5 propose une analyse de la principale source de risque pour les trafiquants, les saisies de drogues. Les données compilées permettent de démontrer que les saisies policières de drogues agrégées au niveau des pays sont principalement indicatrices du volume de trafic. L’éventuel biais lié aux pressions policières est négligeable pour les quantités saisies, mais plus prononcé pour le nombre de saisies. Les organismes de contrôle seraient donc plus à même de moduler leurs activités que les retombées éventuelles. Les résultats suggèrent aussi que les trafiquants adoptent des stratégies diverses pour limiter les pertes liées aux saisies. Le chapitre 6 s’attarde à l’impact de la structure sur le prix et la valeur des drogues. Le prix de gros varie considérablement d’un pays à l’autre et d’une drogue à l’autre. Ces variations s’expliquent par les contraintes auxquelles font face les trafiquants dans le cadre de leurs activités. D’une part, la valeur des drogues augmente plus rapidement lorsqu’elles sont destinées à des pays où les risques et les coûts d’importation sont élevés. D’autre part, la majoration des prix est plus prononcée lorsque les échanges sont dirigés vers des pays du cœur de l’économie légale. De nouveau, les rôles sont inversés : les pays généralement avantagés dépendent des plus désavantagés, et les pays pauvres en profitent pour exploiter les riches. / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the structure of transnational drug trafficking. Based on the world-system perspective, it is hypothesized that cocaine, heroin and marijuana form separate markets that are opposite to other legal trades in many ways. The analysis relies on two data sources. The first is a unique compilation of seizures gathered together by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The seizures were made between 1998 and 2007 (n = 47629). It is completed by intelligence published by various agencies across the world. The dataset allows the construction of directed networks of drug trade between most countries of the world. Chapters 3 and 4 analyze the structure of the trade itself. Firstly, the roles played by the countries in each market are described and compared. The flow of drugs and interception rates are estimated for each 16 geographic areas defined by the UNODC. Secondly, several structural characteristics of the drug markets are compared to other legal trade, namely coffee and chocolate. It is shown that drug trade networks are less dense and that peripheral countries play more important roles. While inequality is characteristic of both legal and illegal economies, their structure is reversed. In chapter 5, it is demonstrated that seizure data are mostly indicative of drug trafficking within a country. The expected law enforcement bias is negligible for quantities seized but more apparent when we look at the number of seizures. Thus, law enforcement agencies are better at planning operations against drug trafficking than at predicting their outcomes. The results presented in chapter 5 also suggest that traffickers use counter-strategies to reduce losses caused by drug seizures. The price and value of drugs show significant variations among countries. Those variations are usually explained by varying costs and pressures suffered by traffickers. Chapter 6 seeks to measure the impact of structural features on wholesale price and value. The value of drugs increases more sharply when the drugs are bound to countries where the risks of seizures are higher. Furthermore, price mark-ups are higher when the trade is directed to core countries. Again, the situation is reversed: richer countries that generally control all economic activities rely on peripheral countries to be supplied in drugs.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Vitor Eduardo Schincariol / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2015. / Esta dissertação discute a questão do enfoque da chamada paradiplomacia com base no estudo de caso da cidade de São Paulo ao longo dos anos 1990 e 2000. Busca-se argumentar que as políticas adotadas na cidade de São Paulo neste período refletiram a vitória do neoliberalismo em escala local, tendo tais políticas sobrepujado eventuais iniciativas de internacionalização progressistas adotadas pelo poder público no mesmo período. Com base no estudo de caso e em nossa abordagem teórica, buscamos ponderar o alcance analítico da perspectiva da paradiplomacia para a realidade brasileira, ainda que sem refutá-lo de todo. Expõem-se também sua vinculação com a Teoria Neoliberal das Relações Internacionais, de Keohane e Nye. Por outro lado, apresenta-se uma perspectiva progressista acerca da internacionalização de cidades, concebida por militantes do "municipalismo internacionalista" do Partido dos Trabalhadores. A partir disso, é problematizado criticamente o conceito de paradiplomacia, através das reflexões trazidas pela Teoria do Sistema-Mundo, argumentando no plano teórico que a correlação de forças em âmbito internacional foi um elemento determinante das políticas no nível local no período e não o contrário. O quarto capítulo traz uma análise geral das políticas recentes da cidade de São Paulo de modo a argumentar a tese deste estudo, ou seja, que as políticas adotadas pela cidade no período foram de caráter neoliberal, refletindo opredomínio do neoliberalismo em escala global e nacional e sobrepujando os eventuais potenciais emancipatórios de uma política progressista de internacionalização da cidade. / This work aims to discuss the paradiplomacy approach based on the case study of the city of São Paulo, along the 1990's and 2000's. We argue that the policies adopted in São Paulo along this period reflected the adoption of neoliberal policies, overcoming the progressive internationalization policies adopted. Based on this case study and in our own theoretical approach, we aim to consider the analytical limits of the paradiplomacy approach to explain brazilian reality, even that we do not reject it completely. We show how this perspective originally was developed within the Neoliberal Theory of International Relations of Keohane and Nye. We also introduced the progressive perspective on the so called paradiplomacy given by militants of the "municipalismo internacionalista" from (Brazilian) Worker¿s Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores). Through an analysis of the case of São Paulo we then sought to criticize the concept of paradiplomacy, from the perspective of World-Systems Theory, to argue that the balance of forces at the international level was a key element that determined the kind of policies adopted in the period. Chapter four provides a general analysis of the recent policies of the city of São Paulo in order to demonstrate the thesis of the study, namely that the policies adopted by the city in the period was neoliberal in its essence, reflecting the predominance of neoliberalism on a national and global scale and overwhelming the emancipatory potentials of the internationalization policies.