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"Thèse en cotutelle : Université Laval, Québec, Canada, Philosophiæ doctor (Ph. D.) et Université Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), Paris, France" / Au cours des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, la pacification de l'intérieur du territoire français et la stabilisation des frontières ont amené les élites intellectuelles et les administrateurs locaux et royaux à questionner le besoin d'enceintes urbaines à l'intérieur du royaume. La ville de Paris arrase ses remparts dans les années 1670, initiant par là une mutation du paysage urbain qui s'étendra aux territoires français métropolitains et coloniaux. Par l'ouverture des villes, les architectes et ingénieurs se voient confrontés à un nouveau problème architectural et urbain : la nécessité pratique d'une porte qui marque le seuil de la ville s'estompe, tandis que l'attachement citoyen à la charge symbolique des portes de ville persiste. Or, au Siècle des Lumières, la redéfinition de l'usage et de la forme de la porte de ville sont contemporains de l'émergence de nouveaux édifices publics, qui amorcent la réflexion sur le caractère des ouvrages d'architecture. Au sein de cette nouvelle théorie des caractères, la porte de ville devra trouver et affirmer sa place. Il en va de même à l'égard de l'intérêt croissant porté à la notion d'entrée de ville, qui signale une sensibilité nouvelle envers le paysage urbain et territorial et la mobilité qui accompagne la réfection des axes de circulation terrestre et maritime du royaume de France. / Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, the pacification of French interior territories and the stabilization of their frontiers brought the intellectual elite and the local and royal administrations to question the necessity of city walls within the kingdom. The city of Paris razed its ramparts in the 1670's, initiating mutations in the urban landscape that will spread throughout the French territories. By opening their cities, architects and engineers will thus be confronted to a new architectural and urban problem: there is no longer a functional need for a city gate to limit the access, but the symbolic load of city gates as landmarks to which citizen are deeply attached remains.

Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’étudier la démocratisation du gouvernement tibétain en exil de 1991 à 2013. Il vise à éclaircir les défis singuliers d’un gouvernement en exil dans ses efforts de démocratisation. En reliant les travaux sur la démocratisation de Dahl et sur les gouvernement en exil de Shain au contexte très particulier de la communauté tibétaine exilée, nous avons tenté d’éclaircir le paradoxe apparent entre un gouvernement par essence transitoire, le gouvernement en exil, et une transition démocratique, permettant une meilleure stabilité institutionnelle. Une attention particulière a été portée au contexte socioculturel tibétain, car le processus de démocratisation ne saurait être compris sans un souci du milieu qui l’accueille et l’a fait naître. En ce sens, nous avons tenté de mettre comprendre la structure politique avant l’exil, le gouvernement central de Lhassa, ainsi que les obstacles et les moteurs contextuels de la démocratisation du gouvernement tibétain en exil. Le conservatisme du gouvernement tibétain en exil, la participation politique tibétaine confrontée à l’imposante figure du dalaï-lama, le bouddhisme et finalement les institutions politiques de l’exil nous ont semblé autant d’obstacles aux élans démocratiques du gouvernement en exil. Malgré ces freins, d’autres facteurs encouragent au contraire la démocratisation du gouvernement, dont les organisations non gouvernementales indépendantistes tibétaines en exil, qui s’engagent dans le débat politique, la toile virtuelle offrant une plateforme d’échange et de débats accessible à l’ensemble de la diaspora tibétaine, les initiatives du gouvernement tibétains en exil en faveur de sa démocratisation institutionnelle remarquable et finalement la diaspora tibétaine, lentement actrice engagée dans la politique de son gouvernement en exil. En nous appuyant sur les indicateurs de démocratisation de Robert Allan Dhal nous avons pu remarquer que la démocratisation du gouvernement tibétain en exil de 1990 à 2013 s’est développée sensiblement. Ainsi, les deux indicateurs de démocratisation, la libéralisation et l’inclusion politique, ont été plus importants durant cette période, quoique les défis semblent encore bien présents en 2013. Afin d’approfondir les liens qu’entretiennent le gouvernement tibétain en exil et la communauté internationale durant notre période d’analyse, une étude de cas relative à l’appui de la communauté européenne envers le gouvernement tibétain en exil conclu notre recherche.

The eighteenth century witnessed a sea change in the French economy. In the century prior, Louis XIV had overseen a tightly regulated feudal economy, explicitly engineered to augment the wealth and power of the reigning monarch. His finance minister, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, pioneered a decidedly Gallic form of mercantilism, marked by a system of privileged monopolies whose operations were subject to exacting state control. However, in the decades following the Sun King’s death, the Colbertist paradigm came under threat – eroded by a series of liberalizing initiatives that edged the French economy towards a capitalist modernity. As Enlightenment philosophers touted the freedom and meritocracy of laissez-faire economics, segments of the Third Estate pushed back against the regulations which circumscribed their social autonomy. This tension between capitalist aspiration and mercantilist malaise reached a tipping point in the French Revolution, where a wave of liberalizing reforms wiped away the last vestiges of the Colbertist system. The Ancien Régime’s crumbling network of privileges, monopolies, and feudal hierarchies was replaced by a system of property rights designed to promote entrepreneurialism, free enterprise, and upward mobility. Opera became a key site of deregulation under the Revolution’s capitalist reforms. During the grand siècle, opera functioned as an extension of the absolutist state, with the Académie Royale de Musique – ostensibly a court institution – claiming a total monopoly over operatic performance. However, over the course of the eighteenth century, this primacy was undermined as new competitors challenged its share of the market. The introduction of a state subsidy for the Comédie-Italienne, the growing market for regional and colonial opera (in Marseille, Bordeaux, Saint-Domingue, etc.), and the popularity of commercial entertainments (like the fairground and boulevard theaters) threatened the Académie Royale de Musique’s stranglehold over operatic production, paving the way for the free-market reforms of the Revolution. Finally, in 1791, Isaac René Guy Le Chapelier introduced legislation to liberalize the French theater industry, abolishing theatrical monopolies and ending state subsidies. Theater was now a capitalist enterprise. This dissertation interrogates the relationship between opera and capitalism in eighteenth-century France and its colonies. Taking the Le Chapelier law as its endpoint, it seeks to demonstrate why opera became a central focus of the Revolution’s deregulatory zeal. I position opera at the vanguard of eighteenth-century liberalization efforts, showing how it embraced new commercial techniques and adapted to emerging economic freedoms. A series of institutional histories chart opera’s gradual induction into the capitalist marketplace during the Enlightenment, highlighting institutions that played a pivotal role in challenging Colbertist economic policy. Ultimately, I argue that opera houses, increasingly entangled in nascent forms of French capitalism, became cheerleaders for the burgeoning free market, profiting from affectionate, glamorous, or downright utopian portrayals of commercial life. Opera and capitalism became locked in a self-replicating feedback loop: the more that operatic institutions became enmeshed in the rise of capitalism, the more they promoted capitalist ideals. Seven chapters, proceeding chronologically from the Regency to the Terror, examine vital flashpoints in the intersection of opera and capitalism in eighteenth-century France – culminating in a reappraisal of the Le Chapelier law and its effects on the opera industry. Traversing a range of operatic institutions – in the metropole and in the colonies – these case studies not only show how opera companies embraced capitalist business practices, but also how they reconfigured operatic aesthetics to champion laissez-faire ideologies. The first chapter triangulates the symbiotic relationship between the Théâtres de la Foire, the finance industry, and urban capitalism through an analysis of financier characters in vaudeville comedy. The second chapter situates the vocalizing body of Madame de Pompadour at the intersection of pastoral opera, Italianate musical aesthetics, and physiocratic economic thought, offering a close reading of the operas she commissioned for Théâtre des Petits Cabinets. Chapter 3 explores the forced merger of the Théâtres de la Foire and the Comédie-Italienne in 1762, suggesting that the new hybrid troupe weathered this institutional shift by staging opéras-comiques that depicted the commercial sector. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 turn to the colonial theaters of Saint-Domingue. First, I dissect the business practices of these commercial enterprises, highlighting their reliance on planter capital. Then, I outline the effects of this colonial capitalism on local operatic aesthetics, arguing that Caribbean troupes used promises of celebrity and spectacle to boost ticket sales. I demonstrate that theaters in Saint-Domingue used these unique aesthetic practices to promote a deregulated plantation economy in which planters exercised unmitigated control over enslaved workers. Finally, in Chapter 7, I return to the Comédie-Italienne (now rebranded the Opéra-Comique National) to examine the effects of the Le Chapelier law on theatrical policy during the Terror. Here, I challenge the assumption that the Montagnard regime reversed the economic freedoms wrought by the Le Chapelier law and reposition the revolutionary pièce de circonstance as a decidedly commercial operatic genre. Ultimately, I argue that opera played a vital role in bringing aspects of early capitalism into French public discourse during the eighteenth century. Over the course of this dissertation, I show that lyric theater, in representing a nascent free market onstage, inducted liberal fiscal dogma into the cultural psyche, entrenching it as a central facet of cultural modernity.

The notion that religion intensifies nationalism and escalates conflict is widely accepted. In spite of its frequent association with violence, however, religious doctrines and institutions sometimes appear to have the radical power to deescalate conflict and reroute the expression of political grievances away from bloodshed. How, and under what conditions, might religion lend itself to the mitigation of ethnic conflict? Focusing on Buddhist nationalisms in East Asia and Southeast Asia, the three papers in this dissertation study the influence of religious beliefs on political attitudes and conflict behavior at various levels of analysis. Using ethnographic approaches, case study methods, and original field data collected from nearly a hundred interviews among Tibetan subjects in India and Sinhalese monastics in Sri Lanka, these essays seek to deepen the nuances and complexity in our understanding of the relationship between Buddhism, nationalism, and violence.Paper #1 studies the relationship between Buddhism and suicide protest, focusing on the puzzle of self-immolation: Why do high-commitment protesters in some conflicts choose this method over conventional tactics of nonviolent resistance or suicide terrorism? Taking the wave of Tibetan self-immolations between 2009 and 2018 as a case study, this paper probes the causal importance of strategic considerations, structural constraints, and normative restraints that may have influenced the protesters’ choice of method. I develop a theoretical framework proposing that suicide protesters evaluate potential tactics based on three criteria: disruptive capability, operational feasibility, and ethical permissibility. Leveraging in-depth interviews and a close reading of the self-immolators’ last words, I conclude that the Buddhist clergy’s broad conception of violence, interacting with international norms, constrains the protesters’ tactical latitude by narrowing the parameters of what qualifies as nonviolent action, thereby eliminating many of the standard repertoires of contention from the movement’s arsenal while sanctioning self-immolation as a legitimate form of dissent. I argue that a fundamental paradox in the self-immolators’ theory of change, namely the tension between a tactic’s disruptive capability and ethical permissibility, ends up restricting their freedom of action. Paper #2 zooms out to examine the relationship between religion, nationalism, and violence. It starts with a broad question: How, and under what conditions, might religion lend itself to the mitigation –– or the escalation –– of ethnonational conflict? To what extent do religious ideas travel from scripture to political preferences and conflict behavior? I develop two hypotheses predicting the influence of scriptural ideas on nationalist commitment and suggestibility to violence –– devoting special attention to how a group’s conception of its own national interest might be affected when the religious identity of its members supersedes their political identity. The paper finds that the Buddhist belief in rebirth can undermine the strength of one’s nationalist commitment by injecting a dose of ambiguity into one’s conception of identity. This suggests that a religious belief such as rebirth can be mobilized to deescalate ethnonational conflict by highlighting the fluidity of ethnic identity and thus lowering the stakes of conflict. Moreover, it also finds that Mahayana Buddhism’s emphasis on altruism, while rooted in compassion toward others, can end up increasing an individual’s suggestibility to violence and therefore should not be assumed to be a pacifying force in conflict. Mahayana doctrines, though built on more inclusivist founding principles than the Theravada tradition and therefore more resistant to exclusivist ideologies like nationalism, are nevertheless susceptible to utilitarian reasoning and lend themselves readily to the justification of violence. In our interviews, Tibetan monastics, educated under a uniform Mahayana curriculum, turned out to be far more suggestible to violence than their Theravada counterparts in Sri Lanka, an observation that supports our counterintuitive hypothesis linking an altruism-oriented curriculum with suggestibility to violence. Paper #3 takes a historical case study approach to examine how Buddhist religious ideas may have, in interaction with liberal international norms, influenced the Tibetan leadership’s de-escalation politics in the Sino-Tibetan conflict. While paper #2 of this dissertation explored Buddhism’s relationship with nationalism and violence at the level of rank-and-file citizens, this paper shifts the focus from group-level preferences to elite-level decision-making. It relies on document analysis and process tracing methods to answer a particular historical question: How did the independence-seeking Tibetan nationalist leadership of the 1960s evolve into compromise-seeking pacifists in the 1980s and subsequent decades? I seek to illuminate the pathways by which religious beliefs and charismatic leadership structure, in interaction with the normative constraints of liberal internationalism, may have facilitated the Tibetan leadership’s de-escalation politics in the Sino-Tibetan conflict. To do so, I leverage counterfactual history (Belkin & Tetlock, 1996), biographical data of key leaders (Creswell, 1998), and document analysis of their speeches and writings –– including a close examination of the Dalai Lama’s annual March 10 speeches from 1960 to 2011. While the other two papers explore the multifaceted relationship between Buddhism, nationalism, and violence by studying the political attitudes and conflict behavior of ordinary people and rank-and-file monastics, this paper delves into the political and psychological evolution of two Tibetan leaders, the Dalai Lama and former Tibetan prime minister Samdhong Rinpoche, to examine the ways in which private religious beliefs can interact with global norms to guide and constrain the high-level foreign policy decision-making of political elites.

It is arguably clear that the AIDS epidemic has infected and affected our world in radical ways. Although every sector, including Biblical Studies, has come to its ‘senses’, by realising the urgency to respond; there still appears to be inadequate contextual engagement with the biblical text to stimulate empowering and transformative readings of the Bible. This case study is aimed at contributing to scholarship by determining the extent to which the church, the academy and Persons with HIV have adhered to stigmatising interpretations. The theoretical framework used, was the reader response method as applied within the context of African theology because it is socially located. The data was collected through focus groups and personal interviews. The purposive sampling included 70 participants, who were divided into three key categories: academic theologians, university students and persons with HIV. All participants in the study re-read 2 Samuel 13:1-14:33 in order to ascertain if the characters therein could be relevant to the context of AIDS. The overall findings showed that characters from 2 Samuel 13:1-14:33 can provide an empowering message in the context of AIDS. Although this biblical text has often been misused to promote stigma, this study confirmed that it was nonetheless possible to use the same text to unearth redemptive and empowering interpretations. Therefore the study recommends that the move towards an HIV/AIDS Biblical Hermeneutics invites socially engaged scholars along with ordinary readers to read the text together for transformative purposes. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Div. (Old Testament)

Current pentecostal scholarship is attempting to articulate pentecostal theological distinctives. For hermeneutics, this involves both a descriptive and a prescriptive approach to the use of the Bible. The descriptive approach appraises the historical roots of pentecostalism, which include the Wesleyan I Holiness movement, the radical Reformation, Tertullian and Montanism, and earliest charismatic communities. These understood Christian Scripture as guidelines to a Way of behaviour and testimony, rather than a source-book of doctrine. This 'alternative history' experienced the Enlightenment on a different level to protestantism and fundamentalism. Many of the concerns of historical church theology and hermeneutics during the last centuries are thus not always shared by pentecostals. The choice is: articulate a distinctive pentecostal hermeneutic, or 'borrow' from non-pentecostal theology. The prescriptive approach first investigates some of the latter options: some identify closely with conservative evangelical hermeneutics. Others prefer the political hermeneutic of the socio-political contextual theologies. The burgeoning Faith Movement has influenced many pentecostals. Some pentecostal scholars show interest in 'post-modern' literary theory. A viable pentecostal hermeneutic might be prescribed as follows: It respects the demands of scientific method, not ignoring the concerns of contemporary hermeneutical philosophy and literary theory. It highlights specifically pentecostal concerns: the teleology of any encounter with the text; historical continuity with the early church groups; implementation, demonstration and realisation of the literal intent of the text; the role of biblical narrative in defining experience of God; and the authority granted ongoing revelation via the charismata in the light of the canon. Application of a pentecostal hermeneutic would emphasise an holistic understanding of Scripture, the crucial role of the charismatic community, awareness of issues in the ongoing hermeneutical debate, and the need for the interpreter's personal ongoing charismatic experience. In a distinctively pentecostal exegesis of 1 Corinthians 14 prophecy is discussed as normal liturgical activity, as a confrontation of outsiders and unbelievers, in terms of its regulation, and in the light of spiritual discernment / Biblical and Ancient Studies / Th. D. (New Testament)

It is arguably clear that the AIDS epidemic has infected and affected our world in radical ways. Although every sector, including Biblical Studies, has come to its ‘senses’, by realising the urgency to respond; there still appears to be inadequate contextual engagement with the biblical text to stimulate empowering and transformative readings of the Bible. This case study is aimed at contributing to scholarship by determining the extent to which the church, the academy and Persons with HIV have adhered to stigmatising interpretations. The theoretical framework used, was the reader response method as applied within the context of African theology because it is socially located. The data was collected through focus groups and personal interviews. The purposive sampling included 70 participants, who were divided into three key categories: academic theologians, university students and persons with HIV. All participants in the study re-read 2 Samuel 13:1-14:33 in order to ascertain if the characters therein could be relevant to the context of AIDS. The overall findings showed that characters from 2 Samuel 13:1-14:33 can provide an empowering message in the context of AIDS. Although this biblical text has often been misused to promote stigma, this study confirmed that it was nonetheless possible to use the same text to unearth redemptive and empowering interpretations. Therefore the study recommends that the move towards an HIV/AIDS Biblical Hermeneutics invites socially engaged scholars along with ordinary readers to read the text together for transformative purposes. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Div. (Old Testament)

Current pentecostal scholarship is attempting to articulate pentecostal theological distinctives. For hermeneutics, this involves both a descriptive and a prescriptive approach to the use of the Bible. The descriptive approach appraises the historical roots of pentecostalism, which include the Wesleyan I Holiness movement, the radical Reformation, Tertullian and Montanism, and earliest charismatic communities. These understood Christian Scripture as guidelines to a Way of behaviour and testimony, rather than a source-book of doctrine. This 'alternative history' experienced the Enlightenment on a different level to protestantism and fundamentalism. Many of the concerns of historical church theology and hermeneutics during the last centuries are thus not always shared by pentecostals. The choice is: articulate a distinctive pentecostal hermeneutic, or 'borrow' from non-pentecostal theology. The prescriptive approach first investigates some of the latter options: some identify closely with conservative evangelical hermeneutics. Others prefer the political hermeneutic of the socio-political contextual theologies. The burgeoning Faith Movement has influenced many pentecostals. Some pentecostal scholars show interest in 'post-modern' literary theory. A viable pentecostal hermeneutic might be prescribed as follows: It respects the demands of scientific method, not ignoring the concerns of contemporary hermeneutical philosophy and literary theory. It highlights specifically pentecostal concerns: the teleology of any encounter with the text; historical continuity with the early church groups; implementation, demonstration and realisation of the literal intent of the text; the role of biblical narrative in defining experience of God; and the authority granted ongoing revelation via the charismata in the light of the canon. Application of a pentecostal hermeneutic would emphasise an holistic understanding of Scripture, the crucial role of the charismatic community, awareness of issues in the ongoing hermeneutical debate, and the need for the interpreter's personal ongoing charismatic experience. In a distinctively pentecostal exegesis of 1 Corinthians 14 prophecy is discussed as normal liturgical activity, as a confrontation of outsiders and unbelievers, in terms of its regulation, and in the light of spiritual discernment / Biblical and Ancient Studies / Th. D. (New Testament)

Les transformations qui interviennent en France à la suite des guerres de Religion modifient l’imbrication des sphères politique et religieuse. La scission entre protestants et catholiques, la triple reconstruction religieuse, nationale et étatique, les évolutions des pratiques et croyances religieuses ainsi que la nouvelle vigueur des gallicanismes induisent des mutations dans la dimension religieuse des conceptions du pouvoir royal entre le règne d’Henri IV et celui de Louis XIV, évolutions appréciables sur le plan symbolique. De 1589 à 1715, une iconographie abondante place le roi dans une situation religieuse, le met en rapport avec des personnages saints ou divins, ou souligne l’importance de son action en matière religieuse. Ces portraits du roi régnant ou de rois défunts, produits en des lieux disséminés sur le territoire métropolitain du XVIIe siècle, révèlent une autre image du pouvoir royal que l’iconographie plus amplement étudiée jusqu’ici. Elle intègre une sacralité héritée, fruit d’une longue construction médiévale dont l’importance se lit toujours au Grand Siècle, et des éléments neufs, qui passent en particulier par l’essor de cultes associant le roi et ses sujets, comme celui de saint Louis ou celui de Marie, marqué par le vœu de Louis XIII. Elle doit en outre se comprendre dans le cadre de l’évolution du droit divin, dans ses rapports avec l’autorité et le pouvoir du roi. L’image d’harmonie qui est élaborée témoigne de la place de cette iconographie dans la légitimation d’un ordre politique et social liant espace terrestre et monde céleste. La genèse de ces objets divers (peintures, sculptures, gravures, etc.), souvent éloignée de la cour, entretenant des relations parfois très ténues avec le pouvoir royal, ne peut être envisagée comme le fruit d’une propagande : elle souligne plutôt des fabrications collectives du portrait religieux du roi. Ainsi, cette thèse propose une histoire culturelle du politique, s’appuyant sur une approche iconographique intégrant les pratiques sociales et les théories politiques. / The transformations that occurred in France after the Wars of Religion altered the interweaving between the political and the religious spheres. The split between Protestants and Catholics, the rebuilding of the church, the nation and the state, the transformations of the religious beliefs and practices, and the new strength of the gallicanisms led to changes in the religious idea of the royal power between the reign of Henry IV and Louis XIV. These evolutions are assessable on a symbolic level. From 1589 to 1715, an abundant iconography places the monarch in a religious situation, puts him in touch with saints or God, or underlines the importance of his action in the religious field. These portraits of the reigning king or deceased kings, produced in dispatched places in the kingdom, reveal a different image of the royal power than the iconography that has most been studied up to now. It includes an inherited sacrality, built during the Middle Ages and still important in the 17th century, and new elements, which entail the growth of cults associating the monarch and his subjects, such as the cults of saint Louis and the Virgin Mary, marked by the vow of Louis XIII. It must furthermore be understood within the framework of the evolution of the divine right, in its links with the royal authority and power. It builds an image of harmony that shows the place of the iconography in the legitimization of a political and social order linking terrestrial and celestial spaces. The creation of these objects (paintings, sculptures, engravings, etc.), often far away from the court, often in loose relationships with the royal power, cannot be understood as propaganda: it rather emphasizes collective makings of the religious portrait of the king. Thus, this thesis offers a cultural history of the political field, leaning on an iconographic approach including social practices and political theories.