M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (The African Centre for Migration & Society), 2012 / This research is located in the broader body of literature and activity that have sought to comprehend the xenophobic violence of 2008 in South Africa and the persistence of this phenomenon, especially in poor locales of the main urban areas. The primary objective is to explore the perceptions that South Africans have of the rights of those people designated as outsiders and/or foreigners who live in areas that have experienced xenophobic violence targeting foreigners as well as people of South African minority ethnic groups. This study attempts to unpack the discourse of insider versus outsider rights within South African communities in relation to South Africa’s recent history - the xenophobic violence of 2008. Notably, it examines the challenge brought about by the crushing of space and time as an effect of globalization and how this has contributed to the process of multi-culturalism and multi-ethnicity that local communities are largely unprepared to cope with. This study contributes to the understanding of “otherness” as a key issue to design and implement better policies and practices that are necessary to promote the social and spatial inclusion of international migrants in Africa and the world. The empirics of this study give credence to the view that migrants’ rights operate at the rhetorical level, largely due to the lack of political will to translate them into actual benefits. The study specifically looks at two communities affected by xenophobic violence - Tembisa and Alexandra. Focusing on South Africans, the study draws on information gathered through in-depth semi-structured interviews and group discussions carried out from July through October 2011. The findings are examined through thematic content analysis.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2016 / Economic migrants to South Africa face a hostile reception; periodic displays of widespread xenophobia have highlighted the myths and stereotypes that still abound about foreigners - that they are job-stealers, criminals and a threat to our nation’s well-being. The Department of Home Affairs recently brought in new immigration laws that raise the barriers to entry and participation in the South African economy and society. Yet a back door has been left wide open for economic migrants, often unskilled and with no other options, to enter South Africa, live and work. For six consecutive years South Africa was the number one destination for asylum seekers globally and the influx has caused the refugee determination process to become clogged and corrupt, leaving genuine refugees vulnerable and hundreds of thousands of foreigners in an unhappy limbo. The accompanying narrative long form journalism piece highlights some of the fault lines in the government’s uncoordinated and inconsistent migration policy. Overall the project seeks to personalize some of the key challenges and contentious issues faced by migrants to South Africa. It aims to puts a human face to a bureaucratic process by accessing the stories of marginalized migrants, giving them a voice to articulate their experiences in South Africa. The accompanying method document outlines some of the academic research underpinning the study. / GR2017

This study examined the relationship between exposure to COVID-19 fake news, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), sociodemographic factors (i.e., race, biological sex), and xenophobia along with anti-Asian sentiment during the pandemic. Participants included 133 female and male college students. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: (1) exposed to COVID-19 fake news, (2) exposed to real news related to COVID-19 news, and (3) no news exposure. All participants from three groups were then asked to complete a series of measures regarding their attitudes toward Asian Americans and xenophobia. Participants levels of RWA and sociodemographic variables of race and biological sex were also examined. There was no significant difference in participants' attitudes toward Asian Americans based on which experimental group they were in. Participant's level of RWA and xenophobia significantly predicted participants attitudes toward Asian Americans. Participants race marginally predicted levels of comfort and kinship with, as well as enthusiasm for Asian Americans. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.

This thesis examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on racist and xenophobic hate crimes. I argue that perceived threat and strain generated by the pandemic trigger negative emotions such as fear, frustration and anger. These negative emotions are directed to the group that is blamed in public discourse for the cause and/or spread of the Coronavirus. As a result, I argue that these hostile attitudes are expressed through racist and xenophobic hate crimes. Drawing on this proposed causal mechanism, the hypothesis the COVID-19 pandemic caused an increase in the number of racist and xenophobic hate crimes is developed. The hypothesis is tested by examining a period of 11 months before and 11 months during the pandemic by conducting an Interrupted Time Series Analysis (ITSA). The results show that the hate crime trend changed from a small decreasing trend before the pandemic to a less decreasing trend during the pandemic, yet the results are not significant. Thus, the results do not support the hypothesis. Concerns regarding the sample selection and theoretical limitations are expressedand open up avenues for future research.

Bakom Rubrikerna (Behind the headlines) is a project that uses visual communication and the idea of negative space to critique Swedish media, politicians, and the discourse regarding refugees with different backgrounds (cultural, geographical, socioeconomical, religious, political) and ethnicities. It explores the concept of selective sympathy and what role media, especially newsprints, have in recreating harmful narratives around certain refugees. The project aims to give the reader a deeper understanding of the harmful Eurocentric and xenophobic views that influence refugee politics and media’s coverage of the two different refugee (human) crises, in 2015 and today, in 2022.

The study of race relations in England developed in the modern era amongst conflict between races, political parties and local communities. England, consisting of a predominantly white population, is an interesting case of race relations in that immigrants of color seem to be in the center of many of the most controversial conflicts of the past century. Existing research on race relations in England suggests that the region is largely racist due to the conflicts of the past and the current political success of the anti-immigrant extreme right-wing parties (ERPs). But the times at which these parties have been successful compared with high levels of animosity towards non-white immigrant groups have not been thoroughly studied in the past decade. This research will attempt to answer questions regarding racial hostility and ERP success. Do ERPs receive support from purely racist groups during times of high levels of immigration? Or is their racist rhetoric cloaked by logical justification for anti-immigrant policies? ERPs such as the British National Party and The National Front have risen, fallen, evolved and dissolved since the 1960s. They have, in some cases, worked together to gain votes, but eventually break apart to form small, non-political factions that concentrate on social protests. Most recently, England has seen the decline of these particular ERPs, although anti-immigrant social groups still remain strong. Those that were associated with recently dissolved ERPs may turn their attention United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a party that has a message similar to the BNP, but has a more consistent and attractive political platform. UKIP is an anti-immigrant party and its current success is an interesting case study in this thesis.

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In this study, we explore two factors of selective exposure and their effect on the relation between political sympathies and xenophobic attitudes in Sweden. Previous studies implies that internet and social media-platforms, as well as political interest, are two important factors behind selective news consumption in todays fragmented media landscape. Based on previous studies we hypothesised that; news consumption via social media/internet and political interest effects the relation between political sympathies and xenophobia, and that the effect is positive if the individual sympathies with Sweden democrats and negative if the sympathies lie with the Left party. The result shows that among all Swedish parties the political interested individuals tend to be less xenophobic, while the effect of sympathizing with the Sweden democrats and being political interested shows an increased level of xenophobia. The same result could be observed for Sweden democrats that consumed news via social media and internet, where an increased level of consumption resulted in increased level xenophobic attitudes. The study found no support for the effects of news consumption via social media/internet and political interest on the relation between Left party sympathizers and xenophobic attitudes.

<p>For many of us, the events of 9/11 served as a violent birth into a new era. In subsequent years, we have witnessed a mechanical vacillation between reaction and revenge in the domain of politics, at a time where terrorism and counter-terrorism are virtually indistinct. September 11^th was by no means the genesis of xenophobia, but it has been complicit in the production of a global climate where an understanding of xenophobic logic is increasingly relevant.</p> <p>In this thesis, I begin with an analysis of the conceptual anatomy of xenophobia and its relation to ideas of sameness and difference, identity, selfhood, “Otherness” and community. In the second chapter, I provide a taxonomy of xenophobia, differentiating this “exclusive” mode of prejudice from “inclusive” modes. I analyze contemporary manifestations of xenophobia under this framework. In the final chapter, I conclude with an exploration of the manner in which communities may be re-envisioned, in order to avoid identity-essentialism and encourage freedom of action in the political domain.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

There has been a significant increase in immigrant learners in South African schools. This research study captures the experiences of immigrant learners in selected inner city schools of Johannesburg. The May 2008 xenophobic violence prompted the researcher to investigate the extent of xenophobia. A survey of immigrant learners, South African learners and educators was conducted by means of interviews that allowed the research participants to express their feelings and experiences regarding the phenomenon of xenophobia. The result of the study revealed that immigrant learners do experience xenophobia in various forms by South African learners and, in some cases, educators as well. Immigrant learners were predominantly exposed to prejudice and xenophobic comments. They perceived South Africa as positive, giving them hope and opportunities. This research provided a baseline for more extensive research into this phenomenon. / Thesis (M. Ed. (Guidance and Counselling)