Magister Artium - MA / According to migrant research in South Africa, after the advent of democracy in South Africa, in 1994, the country has received an influx of foreign migrants, more especially from the African continent. However, much focus has been on the negative outcomes of the host community and its relationship with immigrants. Recent immigration research labelled South Africa as a xenophobic nation, and much emphasis on xenophobia was in Black South African townships. Although townships in South Africa are widely known for their hostile attitudes towards African nationals, in recent years, townships like Gugulethu have become homes for many African immigrants. This study investigates the integration of foreign migrants into the South African community: a case of Zimbabweans living in Gugulethu, Cape Town. Qualitative research methods’ adopting an in-depth interpretation of the findings was used to answer the research question posed by this study. The research question posed by this study is, in the absence of a strategic plan to integrate African foreign nationals intoSouth Africa society, how do African migrants living in Gugulethu use their social capital to integrate themselves into the local community, which is widely regarded as xenophobic? Qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews and observations and data was analysed according to the research questions by making codes and themes. In addition, the number of study participants was 30 people; 25 Zimbabwean immigrants and for comparative purposes 2 Ugandan immigrants and 3 local South Africans were also included. Both convenience and snowballing sampling techniques were used. The study found that despite the challenges faced by migrants in their host community, these migrants used their social capital in the form of social networks to integrate themselves into the host community

This diploma thesis examines the suitability of generalization of the populist radical right parties (PRRP). In recent years, these parties have succeeded on the political scene of many European countries. Using the example of "new" Svoboda a přímá demokracie (SPD) political party and the established Danish People's Party (DF) it shows the differences in the party pre-election rhetoric and program, which are brought about by parties' age as well as by different historical developments in the respective countries. The historical context has affected contemporary political environment and, therefore, there are reasonable doubts about the generalization of the PRRPs. This is especially the case of post-communist countries, which, after years of oppression, had to go through a process of transformation that involved not only economic issues. This thesis is based on the Lipset's and Rokkan's cleavages theory, while it tries to confirm its existence in the given states, namely the economical, the religious, the center - periphery and the urban - rural cleavage. The inclusion of six tested factors in the analysis helps to do this. The multiple linear regression analysis tested which factors (the factors are socio-cultural, socio-economic, and demographic factors) have a statistically significant...

How can the different religions of Austria be made visible? How can the believers claim space and right in the Austrian context? How can architecture contribute to educate about these religions? How can architecture encourage this multitude of religions to be regarded as positive and a strength of the Austrian society?

Xenophobia ‘fear and hatred of strangers’ has become part of the international humanitarian agenda with the increased human mobility due to complex emergencies. Nevertheless, there is a knowledge gap in how to address such a complex social problem. Xenophobia has become evident in Colombia, and the UNHCR has responded with the media campaign ‘Somos Panas Colombia’, with the objective to reduce it and promote solidarity toward Venezuelan migrants. My research objective is to identify the social dynamics between the host communities and migrants in this context; then to understand how the UNHCR campaign can interact with these dynamics. The dynamics are categorized into dividers and connectors, through the Do No Harm approach, and discussed from social psychology perspectives. In this manner, we can distinguish which factors can be strengthened, and which can be weakened through campaign activities. Furthermore, in order to identify the optimal conditions for encouraging positive group interactions, the research employs the framework of the Intergroup Contact theory, which suggests that contact under the conditions of equality, common goals, cooperation and institutional support typically reduces prejudice. Such conditions strengthen a common ingroup identity that could include both Venezuelans and Colombians. This systematic thinking undergirds the analysis to understand how to most effectively reduce intergroup tensions and xenophobia, as well as how not to exacerbate it. My findings are that real structural factors, like pressure on the social service systems, combined with perceptions of these to be threatened, exacerbated by media reporting, divide the communities; whilst common interests and values, highlighted by the civil society and credible opinion leaders who display tolerant and positive relationships with migrants help to connect them. Finally, I conclude that the UNHCR has broadly identified the intergroup dynamics and has the potential of effectively addressing them through the campaign content strategies of sending rational-emotional messages that induce empathy and activates solidary behavior, and the communication strategy of building partnerships to reach target populations in an effective manner.

The thesis explores the mobilization strategy of the non-systemic far right in Russia. The study focuses on two aspects of this phenomenon. First, it examines the mobilization strategy and second, it analyses its impact on the success of the far right's political demands. The thesis applies the theoretical concept of social movement and the classification of collective action by Sidney Tarrow. Mobilization is a complex issue that cannot be researched as an isolated event. For this reason, the thesis also focuses on the determinants that precede such mobilization and that, simultaneously,affect its form and strength. The thesis concludes that the most effective mobilization strategy is to concentrate on organizing disruptive and episodic actions in which the condition of the presence of an inter-ethnic conflict must be met. Among the typical features of such disruptive and episodic collective actions, the following can be listed: a requirement for displacement of the non-Russian population from the conflict area, the formation of local security and political strutures, and effective work with disinformation and media in general. Finally, the thesis determines that the mobilization strategy was more impactful on the regional level where the far right was more successful in pressing its demands. At...

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This critical hermeneutic phenomenological study investigates the lived experiences of Asian American women leaders in higher music education, in order to address their historic and ongoing underrepresentation in leadership roles. Asian Americans comprise a large percentage of students in schools of music and are represented at higher numbers among music faculty than their other minority counterparts, although they are still not at parity with the number of Asian American students. Despite their success as performers and teachers, Asian American faculty and students are subject to typecasting, racialized experiences, and xenophobic attitudes that are often ignored or unchallenged in higher music education institutions. These experiences, along with prevalent gender biases surrounding women leaders, have contributed to the "shockingly small" representation of Asian American women in leadership and administrative positions in music. The purpose of this research is to discover essential factors that impact Asian American women's leadership opportunities by learning about their racialized and gendered experiences in higher music education. A hermeneutic phenomenological study is especially suited for incorporating the researcher’s reflexivity while exploring nuances of the phenomenon and discovering commonalities between lived experiences. The study utilized Asian Critical Theory as the main conceptual framework. Lifeworld existentials, such as the lived space, lived body, lived time, and lived human relations of Asian American women, served as additional frameworks for data analysis and hermeneutic reflection. Data was collected from six Asian American women leaders in higher music education in the form of conversational hermeneutic interviews and focus groups, then analyzed to detect larger phenomenological themes. Findings indicate that Asian American women leaders experience dual conflicts in the workplace due to internal cultural influences and external influences of dominant male White ideals of leadership. They experience discrimination as members of the privileged oppressed, and their rich lived experiences are central to their development of community-based leadership values—among them, empathy, resilience, representing marginalized voices, and pragmatism. Asian American women leaders are driven by their missions to create space for belonging and inclusion in schools of music, and are committed to social justice around all forms of oppression.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to deliver on developmental expectations. The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships. In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility and dealing with the issue of xenophobia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid- Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land, verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen. Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte. Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.

The purpose of this study was to develop Gestalt guidelines for teachers working with refugee learners. These guidelines seek to assist teachers when facilitating refugee learners in their social adjustment to a new school environment. The researcher made use of the first four stages of the Design and Development model of intervention research. These stages included problem analysis and project planning, information gathering and synthesis, design, and the early development of the guidelines. For the purpose of this study, semi-structured focus groups were conducted with teachers working with refugee learners. The social adjustment process was then viewed in the context of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. Existing literature on the social adjustment of refugee learners in the South-African school system and literature on the Gestalt philosophy was used together with functional elements of existing social adjustment models to develop guidelines for teachers when facilitating refugee learners in their social adjustment to a new school environment. Throughout this research study, the refugee learner has been referred to as “he”. This was done for practical reasons only and no gender discrimination was intended. / Practical Theology / M. Diac. (Play Therapy)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to understand the causes and nature of xenophobia in South Africa. It investigates this through the case of De Doorns, where in November 2009 3000 Zimbabweans were chased out of their homes, which were subsequently looted and destroyed. This case was chosen because it is an example of a xenophobic incident that went beyond xenophobic attitudes to manifest in violent behaviour towards African migrants. The study was guided though three questions. (1) How can the violent xenophobic attacks in De Doorns be explained? (2) Do the explanations for xenophobia offer sufficient explanation for the causes and nature of xenophobia in De Doorns? (3) Are the causes for xenophobia still evident in De Doorns? To answer the first and third questions key informant interviews with relevant organisations were conducted with Agri Wes-Cape, the Hex River Valley Table Grape Association and People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). In addition, published work (reports and an article) has been analysed. To answer the second question, literature on the topic of xenophobia was reviewed and the findings compared to the answers found for the first question. The key findings in this study were, firstly, that the causes for xenophobia were twofold: there was a context and there were underlying causes; in addition there were specific triggers for the xenophobia. This twofold explanation is evident in Horowitz’s ethnic violence theory, where he takes into consideration both external contextual causes and immediate locality-bound causes. The context was the farming community of De Doorns, characterised by casual work, job insecurity and (often) poor living conditions. The underlying causes were found to be locals’ frustration with and perceptions of Zimbabweans; this led to the development of xenophobic attitudes. In addition, labour brokers were found to have worsened the situation by encouraging causal work and by skimming off workers’ payments. Government insufficiencies were also an underlying condition: there was lack in an early warning system and there were service delivery failures. These underlying conditions gave a breeding ground for the triggers of the violence to operate. These triggers were found to be of a local political character, and these highlighted the explanatory value of Misago’s micropolitics theory. A local councillor stirred up the xenophobia to gain popularity for re-election before the upcoming local government elections. From this it is found that with similar or worse underlying condition xenophobia could flourish, given the ‘right’ triggers. This is an important finding in light of the up coming local government elections in 2016. In terms of the nature of the xenophobia in South Africa, it is argued that this often goes beyond the expression of xenophobic attitudes, and takes the form of violent xenophobic behaviour which is usually targeted at black African migrants. Explanations for this violence have historical roots in the armed struggle and it illicits a response from government. Why black Africans? Their proximity and their vulnerability are put forward as explanations, though it is also recognized that current explanations are insufficient. / AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie se oogmerk is om die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika te verstaan. Dit word ondersoek deur die geval van De Doorns, waartydens November 2009 3000 Zimbabwiërs uit hul huise gejaag is wat geplunder en vernietig is. Hierdie geval is gekies omdat dit ‘n voorbeeld van ‘n xenofobiese geval is wat verder as die xenofobiese houdings gegaan het om in gewelddadige gedrag teenoor immigrante uit Afrika te manifesteer. Die studie is deur drie vrae gelei: (1) Hoe kan die gewelddadige xenofobiese aanvalle in De Doorns verduidelik word? (2) Bied die verduidelikings vir xenofobie genoegsame verduideliking vir die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in De Doorns? (3) Is die oorsake van xenofobie steeds sigbaar in De Doorns? Om die eerste en derde vrae te beantwoord is sleutel informante onderhoude met relevante organisasies gevoer naamlik Agri Wes-Kaap, Die Hexriviervallei Tafeldruif Vereniging en People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). Daarby is gepubliseerde werk (verslae en ‘n artikel) ook ontleed. Om die tweede vraag te beantwoord is literatuur oor die onderwerp van xenofobie hersien en die bevindinge vergelyk met die antwoorde op die eerste vraag. Die sleutel bevindings in hierdie studie was eerstens dat die oorsake vir xenofobie tweeledig was: daar was ‘n konteks en onderliggende oorsake; daar was ook bykomende snellers vir die xenofobie. Hierdie tweeledige verduideliking is duidelik in Horowitz se etniese geweldsteorie, waar hy beide eksterne kontekstuele oorsake en onmiddelike ligging-gebonde oorsake. Die konteks was die plaasgemeenskap van De Doorns wat gekenmerk is deur informele werk, werksonsekerheid, en (dikwels) swak lewensomstandighede. Hierdie onderliggende oorsake is bevind om die plaaslike inwoners se frustrasie met en siening van Zimbabwiërs te wees; dit het aanleiding gegee tot xenofobiese houdings. Daar is verder gevind dat arbeidsmakelaars die situasie vererger het deur die aanmoediging van informele werk en die afskeer van werkers se betalings. Regeringstekortkominge was ook ‘n onderliggende oorsaak: daar was ‘n gebrek aan ‘n vroeë waarskuwingstelsel terwyl diensverskaffing ook misluk het. Hierdie onderliggende toestande het ‘n broeiplek aan die snellers van die geweld gegee om te funksioneer. Daar is bevind dat die snellers ‘n plaaslike politieke karakter gehad het en beklemtoon die verklarende waarde van Misago se mikro-politieke teorie. ‘n Plaaslike raadslid het die xenofobie aangewakker om gewildheid te verwerf vir herverkiesing voor die toekomstige plaaslike verkiesings. Vanuit hierdie is daar bevind dat xenofobie met soortgelyke of erger onderliggende toestande kan floreer, met die ‘regte’ snellers. Dit is ‘n belangrike bevinding in die lig van die toekomstige plaaslike regeringsverkiesings in 2016. In terme van die aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word daar gearguenteer dat dit dikwels verder gaan as die uitdrukking van xenofobiese houdings en die vorm neem van gewelddadige xenofobiese gedrag wat dikwels op swart immigrante van Afrika gemik is. Verklarings vir hierdie geweld het geskiedkundige oorsake in die gewapende stryd en ontlok ‘n reaksie van die regering. Hoekom swart Afrikane? Hulle nabyheid en kwesbaarheid word aangebied as verklarings terwyl dit egter ook herken word dat huidige verklarings onvoldoende is.