A Master’s Thesis submitted to the School of Journalism Media Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa; in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of a Master’s Degree by Coursework and Research Report in Journalism and Media Studies, 2016 / This study explores the way in which xenophobic violence was framed during March and April 2015. This is undertaken through qualitative content analysis of the editorial, news, opinion and feature articles in order to identify themes and news values selected for the coverage of the violence. The study draws on some of the news values enshrined two newspapers, Sunday Times (South African newspaper) and Sunday Mail (Zimbabwean newspaper), coverage of the xenophobic violence and framing of the violence that occurred during 2015. News values are used to determine how much prominence an event or issue is. Hence, this insight is used to analyse the news articles to determine what the newspapers considered newsworthy during the xenophobic violence. In addition, framing theory asserts that the media put more focus on certain events than others and place them within a field of meaning. As such, overall, the findings of the study show that both newspapers framed xenophobic violence in a manner that was not derogatory to the foreigners i.e. the use of words such as makwerekwere or aliens but however different considering the different contexts from which the newspapers reported from. The Sunday Mail had little coverage on the violence and mostly reported on the violence if there was a Zimbabwean national involved. On the contrary, Sunday Times, reported on all the events that took place during the spate of the violence. / XL2018

Cette thèse étudie la politique de lutte antiterroriste dans la France des années 1980 en analysant le terrorisme en tant que processus de communication entre trois groupes d’acteurs: les terroristes, l’État et la société. Épargnés par les années de plomb à la suite des troubles de 1968, les Français sont confrontés à partir de 1982 à une vague terroriste sans précédant: simultanément, des terroristes d’extrême-gauche, des séparatistes et des groupes internationaux et islamistes attaquent le pays. Par la suite, la manière dont l’État et la société française répondent au terrorisme subit une transformation fondamentale. Alors que, jusqu’à la fin des années 1970, la violence politique avait bénéficié d’une certaine tolérance, un consensus national « contre le terrorisme » émerge au cours des années 1980. La France développe son propre modèle de l’antiterrorisme qui se caractérise par son efficacité et sa flexibilité et dont les principaux fondements n’ont que peu changé depuis. Parallèlement, un discours sécuritaire s’installe. De même, sous l’impact du terrorisme international, les représentations de la minorité arabe et musulmane changent, tout comme le font en parallèle la politique française d’asile et d’immigration. / This thesis traces France’s fight against terrorism in the 1980s, when the country was hit by an unprecedented wave of terrorist attacks. Largely spared from the “years of led” that had haunted most of Europe during the 1970s, France was suddenly faced with simultaneous attacks by left-wing extremists, violent separatists and international terrorists, including the first terrorist attacks perpetrated by islamic extremists on European soil. This thesis builds up on a theoretical framework that looks at terrorism as a communication process between three groups of actors: the terrorists, society and the state. During the 1980s, the way the French state and society perceived and reacted to terrorism underwent a fundamental change: Whereas, until the late 1970s, political violence had been met with a certain tolerance, a new antiterrorist consensus emerged during the subsequent decade. France developed its own counterterrorist approach - a highly effective and flexible model whose principal foundations have barely changed to the present day. Simultaneously, a new security discourse replaced the liberal atmosphere of the 1970s. The terrorism of the 1980s also contributed to a change of the perception of the Arabic and Muslim minority in France.

Xenophobia in South Africa is a social-political ill. Despite the huge xenophobic attack that took place in May 2008 leaving so many people homeless, wounded and dead, xenophobia still continues to occur in several ways all over South Africa. Its roots can be traced back to the period of apartheid when black South Africans suffered various types of racial discrimination and other forms of subjugation from the hands of their white compatriots, who form a tiny minority of the country‘s population. It would appear that having forced their way out of the period of apartheid, Black South Africans have created a brutal culture of hostility towards 'foreigners' from the rest of Africa. In their search for higher education, students from the rest of the continent have been attracted to South Africa by its excellent social infrastructure and the relative buoyancy of its economy. These migrant students are faced with various challenges in their daily activities both on and off campus. The most salient of this would seem to be their experience of xenophobia. A case in point is the female African students at UKZN. This is in addition to the basic fact that women are, almost by definition, a vulnerable group. The violence that many women experience is caused by numerous identities such as race, class, sexual orientation, HIV status, disability and other markers of difference. These markers not only increase female vulnerability but they also limit their access to legal redress and health and psychosocial services. This phenomenon often gives men an advantage over women in society. Such forms of discrimination need to be investigated and interrogated within the context of xenophobia. Though there has not been any further major attack in the aftermath of the 2008 xenophobic violence, the sporadic experiences amongst, for example, foreign female African students at UKZN, if ignored, may gradually lead to a violent outbreak. This study attempts to capture and critically analyse the understanding of these students on the subject of xenophobia, their experiences and the probable effects xenophobia has, so far, had on their stay in South Africa. The study also seeks to understand how these students respond to the attacks and if they are aware of policies made by the government or university authorities to assist them. Based on the interviews, the study recommends how to eradicate xenophobia, given that existing policies seem to be working only in presumption. It further elaborates on the gender dynamics of xenophobia and concludes on the feelings of xenophilia (experience of love by foreigners from the local South Africans) by the students despite the existence of xenophobia in South Africa. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-114).

Submitted by Vasti Diniz (vastijpa@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-27T12:14:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1653034 bytes, checksum: 547e5f6e479d6371024cb504e0a75ebc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-27T12:14:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1653034 bytes, checksum: 547e5f6e479d6371024cb504e0a75ebc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / The research sought to examine social aspects and the legal implications of the transit of transvestites from Paraiba, Brazil to Italy. For this, semi-structured interviews with 8 transvestites aged 19 to 35 years old who prostitute themselves or have prostituted themselves in Italy and the observations were recorded in a field diary; through the collected data, we could put together experiences and perceptions and standards relating to human trafficking in Brazil; checking as the official speeches in Brazil, engendered in documents and interviews with the public authorities engaged in actions of investigative and judicial processes, expressed in laws, policies, and government actions, are consistent with strategies to control immigration in Europe, combining xenophobia and transphobia in order to contribute to the marginalization and criminalization of Brazilian transvestites involved in the European sex trade. It appeared that they repackage subjective and socially in displacement between the borders of an increasingly globalized world, and increasingly plastic bodies and increasingly fluid genders, organizing for both networks of solidarity and sociability by reputable speech officials as criminals, and, from this, we discussed the trafficking of humans from the collation of perceptions of transvestites trafficking, society and public managers. Their results enabled the (re) discussion of how this phenomenon has been discussed in order to afford those citizens not only protection but also freedom and respect. / A pesquisa buscou avaliar aspectos sociais e as implicações jurídicas do trânsito de travestis paraibanas para a Itália. Para isso, foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com 8 travestis com idades entre 19 e 35 anos que se prostituem ou já se prostituíram na Itália e registradas observações em diário de campo; a partir dos dados depreendidos desse material, confrontaram-se vivências e percepções com normas e políticas atinentes ao tráfico de pessoas, no Brasil; verificando como os discursos oficiais no Brasil, engendrados em documentos e entrevistas realizadas junto a autoridades públicas empenhadas em ações de investigação e processos judiciais, expressos em normas, políticas públicas e ações governamentais, coadunam-se com estratégias de controle migratório na Europa, conjugando xenofobia e transfobia de modo a contribuir com a marginalização e criminalização de travestis brasileiras inseridas no comércio sexual europeu. Constatou-se que elas se reformulam subjetiva e socialmente no deslocamento entre as fronteiras de um mundo cada vez mais globalizado, entre corpos cada vez mais plásticos e gêneros cada vez mais fluidos, organizando-se para tanto em redes de solidariedade e sociabilidade reputadas pelo discurso oficial como criminosas, e, a partir disso, discutiu-se o tráfico de pessoas a partir do cotejo de percepções de travestis, sociedade e gestores públicos. Seus resultados possibilitaram e possibilitam a (re)discussão da forma como este fenômeno vem sendo abordado, de modo a assegurar a essas cidadãs não apenas proteção, mas também liberdade e respeito.

xvi, 330 p. : ill. (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation focuses on an urban development project outside St. Petersburg, Russia, called the Baltic Pearl. Financed by a consortium of firms based in Shanghai, China, the Baltic Pearl signals several changes in contemporary Russia. At the scale of the region and the nation-state, the project reflects growing political cooperation between the Russian and Chinese governments; it also parallels an increase in economic partnership, including use of Chinese labor. However, social processes at the scale of the city may militate against the success of this project. City residents fearful of rumored Chinese migration feel alarm over the Baltic Pearl because they associate it with narratives of Chinatowns inhabited by labor migrants; other residents already resentful of being left behind in the economic transformation associate the project with the city administration's neglect of their needs. Thus, closer examination of the Baltic Pearl offers the opportunity to gauge commonalities in the causes behind xenophobia and claims of dispossession. Using a theoretical approach based on both humanist and critical geography, I develop an original reading of Henri Lefebvre's The Production of Space to which I give the term socio-spatial paradigm. This concept allows me to conduct an analysis of spatialities in statements of the vision and purpose of the Baltic Pearl made by various individuals and groups. I consider the negotiation over the project's form between Chinese and Russian officials, planners, and architects; local protest and support for the quarter as articulated in newspaper articles, blogs, a survey, and interviews; and individual narratives of spatial form in the city as recounted in a survey and interviews. The aim of the different analyses is to evaluate the capacity of St. Petersburg to adapt to global pressures related to economic restructuring and migration streams, and to become a truly "world city" in terms of cultural multiplicity as well as financial capacity. The conclusion discusses the commensurability of information gained at different scales, from interview narratives to government statements. The study asserts the need to develop better models for incorporating information gained at finer scales into our evaluation of state-to-state relations. / Advisers: Dr. Alexander B. Murphy; Dr. Susan W. Hardwick

When violence towards fellow humans deteriorates to the extent of setting fire on others, it becomes a matter of grievous concern and a subject of empirical research. This study therefore inquires into xenophobic violence in South Africa of 2008 and tries to understand the victims‟ plight in the light of their conception of the image of God. To achieve this, a questionnaire survey among migrant victims from other African countries was conducted, analysed and critiqued. The findings established a deep feeling of animosity from a section of a South Africans with consequent loss of property, physical harm and death, as well as emotional trauma. The study deduces that such hostile treatment by hosts results from a loss of African humanity, Ubuntu. Going forward a theology of the image of God is critical for human relations in South Africa and essential for reconciliation between migrants and locals. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

This study examines how the media construct the identities of the Other by creating various ‘us’ versus ‘them’ positions (Othering) when covering non-violence-based intercultural conflicts in Arab and Western news media. Othering in this study is understood as an umbrella concept that in general terms refers to the discursive process of constructing and positioning the Self and the Other into separate identities of an ‘us’ and a ‘them.’ This process is analysed using a mixed method approach. A content analysis is used to map the data, and then a closer examination of the discourse is conducted using a qualitative approach inspired by critical discourse analysis. Two empirical studies are conducted based on this analysis: 1) the case of the Swedish newspaper Nerikes Allehanda’s publication of caricatures of the Prophet Mohamed in 2007 and 2) the media coverage of the headscarf ban in French state schools in 2004. This study also employs Galtung’s Peace Journalism model as a frame of reference in the conclusions to discuss how this model could contribute, if applied in journalistic texts, to more balanced constructions of intercultural conflicts. The results show that Othering is a central discursive practice that is commonly adopted in both Arab and Western media coverage of non-violent intercultural conflicts, but it appears in different forms. Many of the previous studies have devoted considerable attention to rather conventional dichotomous constructions of Eastern and Western Others. The present study, in contrast, brings to the fore more non-conventional constructions and, while recognizing the occurrence of the conventional constructions, goes beyond these binary oppositions of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Variations in the types of identity constructions found in my study can be attributed to the mode of the article, the actors/voices included, the media affiliations and the topic and its overall contextualization. The different types of identity constructions in the media coverage may bring about a less black and white understanding of an event and help bring forth a more nuanced picture of what is going on and who is doing what in a conflict situation. Their occurrence in the media can possibly be linked to a new vision of a global society that does not necessarily constitute homogenous groups with the same characteristics, but rather is more consistent with a hybrid identity. This research is timely, as with the recent arrival of large groups of migrants from the Middle East, the ‘fear of Islam,’ and the right wing propaganda regarding Muslims as a threat is increasing. Islamophobia can be seen as a new form of racism used by elites to serve particular agendas. If media practitioners applied a more critical awareness in their writings so as not to reproduce culturally rooted stereotypes, which can inflame conflicts between people and nations, we might see less hostility against migrants and achieve a less racist world.

Magister Artium - MA / According to migrant research in South Africa, after the advent of democracy in South Africa, in 1994, the country has received an influx of foreign migrants, more especially from the African continent. However, much focus has been on the negative outcomes of the host community and its relationship with immigrants. Recent immigration research labelled South Africa as a xenophobic nation, and much emphasis on xenophobia was in Black South African townships. Although townships in South Africa are widely known for their hostile attitudes towards African nationals, in recent years, townships like Gugulethu have become homes for many African immigrants. This study investigates the integration of foreign migrants into the South African community: a case of Zimbabweans living in Gugulethu, Cape Town. Qualitative research methods' adopting an in-depth interpretation of the findings was used to answer the research question posed by this study. The research question posed by this study is, in the absence of a strategic plan to integrate African foreign nationals into South Africa society, how do African migrants living in Gugulethu use their social capital to integrate themselves into the local community, which is widely regarded as xenophobic? Qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews and observations and data was analysed according to the research questions by making codes and themes. In addition, the number of study participants was 30 people; 25 Zimbabwean immigrants and for comparative purposes 2 Ugandan immigrants and 3 local South Africans were also included. Both convenience and snowballing sampling techniques were used. The study found that despite the challenges faced by migrants in their host community, these migrants used their social capital in the form of social networks to integrate themselves into the host community.