The left-wing terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and the Red brigades as its most significant symptom resulted in the long-term view from the fight between the partisans and the fascists in the Second World War and from the short-term view from the students' and labourers' protests in the end of 1960s. The Red brigades were founded in 1970 and were composed mainly by students from Trento (Curcio, Cagol), communists from Reggio Emilia (Franceschini, Gallinari) and labourers from Milano (Moretti). They began in the first years of their functioning with agitation in the factories, burning the cars of the high managers and kidnapping. The thesis follows gradual radicalisation of the group and the change of their aims - from this moment on mostly politicians, judges, state magistrates. The transformation of the Red brigades related to the personal changes in the leadership - after Curcio and Franceschini were arrested and Cagol killed, radical Moretti became very influential. The organisation under his leadership started to kill intentionally its victims and the wave of brutal attacks culminated in the spring 1978 in kidnapping and murder of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro. The Red brigades however became strongly socially isolated and several ideological differences among the members of the administration...

Au début des années 1960, les ambitions des cinéastes marocains pour un art décolonisé et réinventé se heurtent à un régime politique autoritaire, à un système productif rigide et contrôlé, et à une censure souvent non dite, ambiguë et contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les stratégies développées par les documentaristes des années 1960 à nos jours pour résister à ce contexte contraint et s'y tailler une part de liberté: du détournement de commandes aux tournages clandestins, en passant par les coproductions étrangères. Pour évaluer plus précisément les capacités de nuisance de ce système, mais aussi les possibilités de le contourner, cette thèse s'appuie sur l'étude du cas d' Ahmed Bouanani (1938-2011 ), avec l'analyse génétique rapprochée de deux de ses documentaires, 6 et 12 (1968) et Mémoire 14 ( 1971 ). Entravés de deux manières différentes par le Centre cinématographique marocain, ces courts-métrages gardent cependant des traces accusatrices de la censure subie, elles véhiculent toujours un message politique subtil. Leur auteur y met surtout en œuvre une part de son projet esthétique : «affronter» la réalité marocaine passée et présente via une forme documentaire ancrée dans un patrimoine ancestral. A cet égard, l'œuvre de Bouanani est une clef: la plupart des gestes résistants étudiés dans cette thèse peuvent en effet être interprétés comme la recherche des formes et dispositifs à même de rendre compte de la réalité, de l'histoire ou du patrimoine marocains. Contre les silences du discours officiel, s'ébauche ainsi la constitution d' « un nouveau regard » cinématographique pour le Maroc indépendant. / At the beginning of the 1960s, Moroccan filmmakers, and their ambitions for a decolonized reinvented ait, are confronted to an authoritarian political regime, to a tightly-controlled productive system, and to an ambiguous contradictory censorship, kept seldom unsaid. This thesis studies the strategies that were developed by documentary-filmmakers from the 1960s to nowadays to resist this constraining context and find their own free path, ranging from commission diverting to clandestine shootings, passing by co-productions with foreign countries. The case of Ahmed Bouanani (1938-2011 ), through the genetic analysis of two of his documentaries, 6 et 12 ( 1968) and Mémoire 14 ( 1971 ), enables us to evaluate more precisely the harmful ways of this system, but also the possibilities to bypass its impediments. Indeed, these films were hindered in two very different ways by the Centre cinématographique marocain. And yet, they kept accusatory marks of the censorship undergone, and still convey a subtle political message. But their author makes mostly use of them to carry out part of his aesthetical project: tackling Moroccan past and present reality through a documentary form anchored in an ancestral cultural heritage. ln this respect, Bouanani is a key figure: indeed, most of the documentary gestures studied in this thesis can be construed as a search for forms and devices suitable for rendering closely Moroccan reality, history or heritage. Against official silence, the constitution of a “new” film “gaze” is thus sketched for independent Morocco.

Les « années de plomb » en Italie demeurent un passé qui est souvent mobilisé dans des contextes très divers et dont l’interprétation divise et oppose de nombreux acteurs. Cette thèse analyse les usages de ce passé, des années 1970 jusqu’à nos jours, et montre comment s’est élaboré et imposé en Italie un cadre interprétatif dominant des événements de la période. A partir de matériaux empiriques variés (entretiens, autobiographies, archives, débats parlementaires), elle étudie les multiples arènes où s’élaborent les mises en récit des événements passés et les controverses qui marquent leur interprétation. A la différence des travaux qui mettent en avant le caractère « exceptionnel » ou « traumatisant » d’un passé pour rendre compte de sa récurrence dans les débats postérieurs, ce travail déplace la focale du passé au présent. Il porte l’attention sur les acteurs qui interviennent dans les débats sur le passé et sur les enjeux qui leur sont propres : magistrats, victimes, anciens militants, hommes politiques. Il montre comment le passé est construit et reconstruit sans cesse dans et par ces différentes mobilisations et controverses qui se déroulent dans des conjonctures éloignées. C’est donc dans la rencontre entre trajectoire d’acteurs (et groupes d’acteurs) et contextes sociopolitiques que l’on peut saisir et expliquer les vies ultérieures des années 1970 en Italie. / In Italy, the « years of lead » represent a controversial past: this period of recent history is often mobilized in various contexts and its interpretations divide and oppose different actors. This thesis analyses the public uses of history, from the 1970s until today, and shows how a dominant frame of interpretation of past events has been set. Various empirical materials (interviews, autobiographies, archives, parliamentary debates) allowed to study different areas where narrations of past events have been constructed and controversies are taking place. Differently from works that are explaining recurrent controversies about the past by its “exceptional” or “traumatic” character, this research is focusing on the present. It analyses the actors that are intervening in public debates about the past and on their specific issues: judges, victims, former activists, politicians. It sheds light on how the past is continuously constructed and reconstructed in and by contemporary mobilizations and controversies. Thus, this work associates the study of actors’ trajectories and sociopolitical contexts to explain the posterior lives of the 1970s in Italy

Le nom de Cesare Battisti est certes celui d’un héros bien connu de la Grande Guerre, mais il évoque également, de façon traumatique, les méfaits que la justice italienne a imputés à cet activiste provocateur et irréductible, né en 1954 près de Latina, dans le Latium, qui fut condamné à perpétuité par contumace lors d’un procès contesté car basé sur les accusations d’un unique « repenti ». Cesare Battisti ne fut certes qu’une figure secondaire des années de plomb. En France, son « affaire » hors norme a été largement mythifiée. Battisti n’en continue pas moins à être voué aux gémonies. Il nous offre donc une étude transversale intéressante afin de passer de l’invective à une nécessaire recherche dépassionnée, aussi documentée et objective que possible sur cette période douloureuse et sur ses conséquences. Les origines de ce personnage aussi déroutant et complexe que polémique, capable de nombreuses métamorphoses et très perspicace, et son contexte, permettent de mieux comprendre une dérive vers des groupuscules violents d’extrême gauche. Un mécanisme s’enclenche alors conduisant à une « affaire » aussi complexe qu’interminable dans ses méandres judiciaires, certes en Italie, mais bien plus encore en France, où les jugements des tribunaux s’entrelacent avec un vaste campagne médiatique et même ultérieurement au Brésil, jusqu’à nos jours. L’inflexibilité du personnage en est une cause importante. Il en découle une avalanche d’articles, déclarations et ouvrages très engagés de la part d’intellectuels relayés par l’espace médiatique puis politique. Pourquoi ce battage à rebondissements alors que les autres réfugiés qui bénéficient en France de la « doctrine Mitterrand » restent majoritairement dans l’ombre ? La réponse provient alors pour l’essentiel du recours tactique, de la part de Battisti, à l’écriture, utilisée pour se présenter en tant qu’intellectuel, largement sacralisé et donc intouchable en France, mais qui permet aussi de poursuivre indirectement, entre les lignes, le même combat politique. Ses romans policiers soigneusement élaborés et nourris de ses aventures et observations d’exilé dépassent ainsi largement les limites supposées de ce genre et soulèvent des questions qui intéressent nos contemporains. L’accusé devient accusateur et souligne maintes impasses de la modernité, redessinant ainsi son image à travers la fiction, au prix d’omissions et de clivages. Les phases de l’existence de Cesare Battisti nous prodiguent, après analyse, de multiples enseignements sur les ressorts d’une période de crise et sur ce qui agite encore la nôtre. / Cesare Battisti’s name is indeed that of a famous hero of the Great War, but it also evokes, traumatically, the crimes imputed by the Italian judiciary to the provocative and inflexible activist born in 1954 near Latina, in the Latium, who was given a life sentence in absentia, after a trial which was contested as based on charges presented by a single ‘penitent’. There is no doubt that Cesare Battisti was only a minor figure during the Years of Lead. In France, his exceptional ‘case’ was widely mythicized. Nevertheless, Battisti is still vilified. He thus makes for an enlightening transverse study, allowing us to leave behind the invectives and move on to much needed, dispassionate research, as documented and objective as possible, into that painful era and its aftermath. The origins of this puzzling, complex, and contested individual, highly perceptive and capable of numerous metamorphoses, together with his background, allow us to understand better his drift towards violent, extremist left-wing groupuscules. A mechanism is then set in motion, leading to a ‘case’ which seems endless, in its judicial complexities in Italy, but even more so in France where the sentences of the courts are interwoven with a vast media compaign, and later on in Brazil, still today. The inflexibility of the protagonist is a major factor in this situation. It entails a torrent of articles, statements, and very committed monographs from intellectuals, reverberated in the media and subsequently in the political sphere. Why this intensive media coverage, with all its twists, when the other refugees benefitting in France from the ‘doctrine Mitterrand’ can remain largely anonymous? Certainly because of Battisti’s main tactics— becoming a writer, and therefore an intellectual, thus sacred and unimpeachable in France— which also allows him to keep up his political fight, indirectly, between the lines. His crime novels, which are carefully crafted, and fed by his adventures and observations as an exile, reach far beyond the supposed limits of the genre, and raise questions that can capture our contemporaries’ interest. The defendant becomes an accuser. He highlights the many dead ends of the modern age. Thus he reshapes his image, through fiction, by means of omission and division. Analyzing Cesare Battisti’s life in its successive stages teaches us a lot about the cogs and wheels of a historical crisis, and about what still troubles our society.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-17T11:56:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Geyrdenn de Oliveira Gomes.pdf: 7992609 bytes, checksum: ef86c16cedc2aa62e3b70b79384ebbda (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-17T11:56:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Geyrdenn de Oliveira Gomes.pdf: 7992609 bytes, checksum: ef86c16cedc2aa62e3b70b79384ebbda (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-08 / This dissertation has as object the relations between Catholic Church and the Military Regime in Fortaleza, specifically in the years of 1968 to 1974. It interprets facts, trajectories and experiences in the light of theology, as it was elaborated in Latin America in that period. Through the analysis of works, newspapers and official documents, it tries to understand the links between two hegemonic institutions in the 1960s and 1970s in Brazil, namely, the Catholic Church and the Armed Forces. The relationship between the Catholic Church and the Brazilian government in the period of the military dictatorship is marked by a series of setbacks. Relationship marked by approximations and distancing, legitimation and confrontation. The initial support of the Catholic Church to the coup helped to solidify the military regime. However, this support did not remain constant during the regime of exception. Censorship, violation of human rights, torture, even suffered by members of the clergy, made part of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church adopt a critical stance towards the dictatorship. During this period, the development of Liberation Theology, its action with the Ecclesial Communities of Base, and its preferential option for the poor, are noteworthy. As a theological foundation it is affirmed that the option for the poor is in the mystery of God himself, and that this foundation must always guide the reflections and the action of the Church that turns to the poor. The option for the poor is deeply Christocentric. Christ is the foundation, motivation and central object of the Christian life. Here the notion of following is explicit, since being a Christian necessarily implies a way of life. It is categorically stated that the option for Jesus should lead to the realization of this option, as a follow-up. In: the concreteness of existence, the experience of faith is expressed as commitment. It is also proposed to recover the plot of events in Ceará, and in the territory of the Archdiocese of Fortaleza, in the so-called lead years. Promoting the analysis of works and documents, the text problematizes stories, links, institutions intending to demystify speeches. The supposed lead times for some, meant golden years for not a few social groups / Esta dissertação tem como objeto as relações entre a Igreja Católica e o Regime Militar em Fortaleza, de modo específico nos anos de 1968 a 1974. Interpreta fatos, trajetórias e experiências à luz da teologia elaborada na América Latina naquele período. Por meio da análise de obras, jornais e documentos oficiais, tenta-se compreender os vínculos entre duas instituições hegemônicas nas décadas de 1960 e 1970 no Brasil, a saber, a Igreja Católica e as Forças Armadas. A relação entre Igreja Católica e governo brasileiro no período da Ditadura Militar é marcada por uma série de contrariedades: aproximações e distanciamentos, legitimação e enfrentamento. O apoio inicial da Igreja Católica ao golpe contribuiu para solidificar o Regime Militar. Porém, este apoio não permaneceu constante durante o regime de exceção. A censura, a violação aos direitos humanos, a tortura, sofrida inclusive por elementos do clero, fizeram com que parte da hierarquia da Igreja Católica adotasse uma postura crítica em relação à ditadura. Marcante nesse período é o desenvolvimento da Teologia da Libertação, sua atuação junto às Comunidades Eclesiais de Base, e sua opção preferencial pelos pobres. Como fundamento teológico afirma-se que a opção pelos pobres está no mistério do próprio Deus e que este fundamento deve sempre nortear as reflexões e a ação da Igreja que se volta para o pobre. A opção pelos pobres é profundamente cristocêntrica. Cristo é fundamento, motivação e objeto central da vida cristã. Aqui a noção de seguimento está explícita, uma vez que ser cristão implica necessariamente um modo de vida. Afirma-se de modo categórico que a opção por Jesus deve levar a uma concretização de tal opção, enquanto seguimento. Na concretude da existência, a vivência da fé se expressa como compromisso. Propõe-se, ainda, recuperar a trama de acontecimentos no Ceará, sobretudo no território da Arquidiocese de Fortaleza, nos chamados “anos de chumbo”. Promovendo a análise de obras e documentos, o texto problematiza histórias, vinculações, instituições pretendendo desmitificar discursos. Os supostos tempos de chumbo para alguns significaram anos de ouro para não poucos grupos sociais