Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1957. / Typescript. Abstracted in Dissertation abstracts, v. 17 (1957) no. 11, p. 2589. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 477-501).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1915. / "The trade edition [without thesis note] is published by A.C. McClurg & co., Chicago, 1917. Bibliography: p. 211-224.

The rise or the decline of a country, the development of the international community will be deeply involved in, especially to the greet powers, his deportments which everybody points an accusing finger at are enough to all the changes in international relations. Chinese rapidly economic growth and rising military power, causing global concerns about the rise of China having led to ¡¨China¡¦s rise¡¨, the issues have become multi-focus on academic field and international relations / politics discussed by the multiplicity. Applied the historical method to the thesis and in addition to the comparative method on the collection of documents so as to analyze it .The following conclusion based on the experience of the Chinese history whether the Han people or the peoples of non-Han established the dynasty, it is impossible to rise the country strength peacefully. Neither did the consolidating the great country position at peace. Not to mention, it is kind of the defeated country peacefully. Under the dual influences of the Economic Globalization and the reform opening-up economic policy, it let China hide his light under a bushel to rapidly economic growth, though the country was called Celestial Kingdom, and return the Great Power status again. The rapid economic rise of China threats to all the other countries in the world because it had carried out non-democratic institutions, encroached the human rights, and threatened to security in the Taiwan Strait to unable to trust the democratic countries which were worried. For it adhered to the leadership of the Communist party of China and sustained development of China¡¦s military, after all, the war might be due to its non-compliance with the international order. In fact, the ¡§Peaceful rise ¡¨put forward the following functions: First, the ¡§ rise ¡¨of it is accountable the its people to raise so called, ¡¨our-group consciousness ¡¨as a slogan, a kind of propaganda. Secondly, it is subject to the international environmental situations and the product of its domestic political struggle power, attempts to recapture the hegemony in order to establish ¡§China-centrism ¡¨by mutual confrontation with ¡§Western centrism ¡¨to fight it out. Third, its peace responses to the ¡§China Threat ¡¨by eliminating the phobia and worrier and reflect the fear of China to the West almost being simultaneous with it in fact. In a word, China¡¦s¡§ Peaceful rise ¡¨is attempt to hold their own ¡§point of view of sovereignty ¡¨to improve its state image.

When analyzing the policies of the John F. Kennedy administration towards the People’s Republic of China, previous historians have focused on the lack of substantive change, emphasizing the continuity of action with the prior polices of the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration. At the same time, a number of historians have noted that it was during the years Kennedy was in office that a majority of the American people began viewing communist China as a greater threat to world peace than the Soviet Union. However, none have sought to explain this sizeable shift in public opinion, or analyze its potential impact on policy. This thesis incorporates archival materials with contemporary print and visual media to make a connection between the sources of public opinion shifts and a change in the assumptions upon which U.S. China policy was based. Almost from the moment the new president assumed office, Robert Komer at the National Security Council and Chester Bowles at the State Department began pushing for changes in China policy based on the assumptions that the communist regime was not a “passing phase,” would only become more powerful and over time constitute an inexorable greater threat to U.S. interests in Asia, and that rapprochement, rather than isolation, was the best means of ameliorating this threat. Together with James Thomson, Roger Hilsman, and eventually Walt Rostow, they pushed for the adoption of what A. Doak Barnett would later term “Containment Without Isolation.” While the Sino-Soviet split accentuated charges of Chinese anti-white racism and the Great Leap Forward reinforced the sense of Mao’s irrationality, the Sino-Indian War confirmed both rising Chinese power and their leadership’s capacity for rational calculation. Meanwhile, in the popular culture, particularly motion pictures, the Yellow Peril enjoyed a revival as Chinese villains stepped to the fore, beginning to free themselves of their Soviet masters. However, while foreign Chinese were feared as never before, Chinese in America gained new acceptance. Laying the groundwork for the next five decades of China policy and enemy images, Kennedy’s Thousand Days constituted a turning point.

China inspired and fascinated the Western early-20th-century author. Some, like Pearl S. Buck, writing about a China where she grew up and lived for many years, offered careful, portraits of the Chinese people she loved. Others, such as Fu Manchu creator Sax Rohmer, depicted China as an evil empire and the Chinese as cruel and dangerous criminal masterminds. French author Victor Segalen saw China as the last crumbling frontier of an elusive exotic world that existed in stark contrast to the suffocating modernity and alienation of Europe. This thesis project examines three specific examples of Western literature about China from the early twentieth century: British author Sax Rohmer, whose depictions of exaggeratedly evil Oriental vilains reinforced Western fears of the Chinese Other; French writer Victor Segalen whose mystical portraits of a magnificent Chinese Empire served as the basis for his artistic manifesto on exoticism, and Pearl S. Buck, whose portrayals of sympathetic Chinese peasants helped shift American popular opinion and foreign policy. These three authors, though their styles, approaches and motives varied greatly, all feature the intersecting themes of exoticism, modernity and imperialism. The tensions between these three elements play out in different ways in each chapter of this thesis, and yet all three are examples of exotic writing about China at a time when exoticism was a lost cause, or as Chris Bongie describes it, “an idea with no future” (15). In these examples, imperialism still coloured perceptions of a racially distinct other, and modernity’s inevitability made imagining the exotic a depressing, frightening or naïvely hopeful exercise. In all three examples, this results in an exoticism that seeks to extend the boundaries of what had become a shrinking frontier. Some of the authors succeed in balancing the tensions between exoticism, imperialism and modernity, but in general most do not, and the texts remain deeply conflicted. / Graduate / 0295 / 0332

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Depuis plusieurs années, l’émergence de la Chine sur la scène économique mondiale préoccupe les opinions publiques. Le spectre du péril jaune, né à la fin du XIXe siècle, réapparait. Le péril jaune prend d’abord la forme d’un péril militaire. Les Européens craignent l’instabilité politique qui caractérise l’Extrême-Orient. Les conflits s’y succèdent en exposant les Occidentaux établis en Asie : la guerre des Boxers en 1900 et la guerre russo-japonaise en 1905. Le péril jaune apparaît aussi comme un péril démographique. La présence croissante des Chinois de par le monde est avérée. Les communautés asiatiques se caractérisent par l’absence de volonté de s’intégrer dans les pays où elles s’implantent. En Europe, les tensions entre les communautés d’origines européennes et asiatiques dans l’aire pacifique sont perçues comme de mauvais présages. C’est bien le péril jaune économique qui est le plus souvent dénoncé. Le rapide décollage de l’industrie et du commerce du Japon inquiète. Les Asiatiques semblent capables de concurrencer les Occidentaux. Nombreux sont ceux qui considèrent alors que la Chine peut évoluer comme le Japon. L’argument des bas salaires asiatiques, fondement d’une concurrence déloyale, est l’argument premier sur lequel repose la crainte du déclin économique de l’Occident. Cette crainte n’est pas partagée par tous. En France, le député Paul d’Estournelles de Constant considère cette concurrence nouvelle comme une évolution normale. Il pense que l’Occident doit relever ses manches pour œuvrer à son redressement plutôt que de dénoncer, de façon stérile, l’essor de l’Asie. Il défend l’idée que le salut des Européens repose sur l’union économique et politique. / For several years the emergence of China on the global economic scene has been worrying. The spectre of the Yellow Peril is reappearing. In fact this fear began a century ago. At the end of the XIXth century China and the Far East were already worrying. The Yellow Peril seemed to be first a military instability which characterized the Far East. Clashes followed each other imperilling Westerners living in Asia : The Boxer war in 1900 and the Russian/Japanese war in 1905. The Yellow Peril appearred as a demographic danger. The growing presence of the Chinese throughout the world was worrying. Asian communities were characterized by unwillingness to integrate into the countries where they were becoming established. In Europe tension between the communities of European and Asian extractions in the Pacific area was worrying. It was in the economic field that the Far East worried most. The spectacular growth of Japan showed clearly that Asiatics could expand very quickly. China seemed then to be going in the same direction. So in Europe we were worrying about the competition that Chinese and Japanese workers could offer to the Western Workers. Some observers did not believe in this threat. In France deputy Paul d’Estournelles de Constant was fascinated by this subject. He thought that China and Japan were going to compete with some Western industries. He thought that safety of European countries lay in economic and political union. The threat of Yellow Peril appeared to be a highly stimulating challenge to the Western World.

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Americans felt threatened by Asian immigration in the late 19th century. As a result, Asian Americans were stereotyped as foreign and dangerous. The United States government supported Asian American stereotyping by passing prohibitive immigration policies. These policies were a reflection of discrimination and institutionalized racism at the time. Asian American stereotyping still exists today, but in covert form. The media plays a powerful role in perpetuating these covert stereotypes. Asian American stereotypes negatively impact the Asian American community in a number of ways, including ostracizing Asian Americans, making Asian American issues invisible, and harming the mental health of the Asian American community. As a result, stereotypes increase cumulative stress for Asian Americans, and also decrease Asian American community support. This paper reviews and provides recommendations to help reduce stereotypes and also change media representations of Asian Americans.

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