This study examined press freedom in Saudi Arabia coverage in two study periods, which are the Gulf and Yemen wars. Six Saudi newspapers, which represent Saudi regions, have been content analyzed. They are: Al Riyadh, Al Yaum, Al Nadwah, Mecca, Okaz, and Al Jazirah. The major questions are: What are the most salient issues Saudi newspapers dealt with in their editorials during the study period? What are the differences between the two periods of study? And what are the differences between the editorial features of the Gulf and Yemen wars? The normative theory-press freedom theory was conducted for this study. The results support the lack of press freedom during the Gulf War. In contrast, some newspapers have significantly improved their performance during the Yemen War, using a higher level of press freedom.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 1986. / Typescript. Abstract (reprinted in Dissertation abstracts international) inserted. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-252).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 1986. / Typescript. Abstract (reprinted in Dissertation abstracts international) inserted. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-252).

Due to the ongoing conflict between the Houthi rebels and the Yemeni government supported by a Saudi-led coalition of nine countries, the civilians in the country have already been exposed to violence for four years. According to the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO), the current situation in Yemen is the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. A large number of humanitarian organizations are present intending to alleviate the suffering. However, their response has been criticized as ineffective. Therefore, this thesis seeks to investigate the humanitarian response in Yemen in order to identify potential weaknesses. This was done out from a theoretical framework that drew on Johan Galtung’s conceptualizations on violence. The applied qualitative research approach was based on a case study research design. With the help of a literature review, the relevant data relating to the case was gathered and an analysis of the violence in Yemen was conducted using the concepts of direct and structural violence by Galtung. The 2019 Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan (YHRP), published by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), coordinates and guides the response of more than 240 aid organizations in Yemen. This plan was used to analyze the humanitarian response in order to find weaknesses in diminishing the identified direct and structural violence.The main findings are as follows: besides small exceptions, the identified aspects of structural violence are being addressed in the YHRP, which are related to the poor access to health care, food insecurity, poor WASH conditions, spread of infectious diseases and displacement. On the contrary, actions against the manifested direct violence, such as civilian casualties of the fighting, are hardly included in the plan. However, it should be noted that due to the humanitarian principle of neutrality, the aid organizations are obligated to remain neutral and are not permitted to get involved in the conflict. Thus, their inactivity regarding direct violence can be traced back to the humanitarian principle of neutrality.

Suite à la révolution du 26 septembre 1962, le Yémen du Nord a vu naître la première république de la péninsule Arabique qui a mis fin au long imamat chiite zaydite caractérisé par le primat politico-religieux des descendants du prophète Muhammad : lessâda. Dans leur grande majorité, ces membres du «groupe de statut» le plus élevé au sein de la hiérarchie sociale de l’ancien régime, ont progressivement assumé leur nouvellecondition de «perdants de l’histoire». À partir de 1970, avec la fin de la guerre «civile»entre républicains et royalistes (partisans de l’imamat), ils ont généralement fait preuve de réalisme, ainsi que d’une volonté d’intégration et d'adaptation au nouveau système tant sur le plan politique que socio-professionnel.Dans le contexte pluraliste de l’unification du pays en 1990 entre le Yémen du Nord et leYémen du Sud, certains sâda ont toutefois choisi de donner à leur appartenance confessionnelle une expression politique aux formes organisationnelles diversifiées. Cette mouvance zaydite - composée d’acteurs perçus, par le pouvoir, comme représentant l’ancien régime - a pu relever le défi de la compatibilité avec le régime républicain. En effet, ces acteurs qui se sont inscrits, en dernière instance, dans une dynamique de modernisation politique, n’ont cessé de se revendiquer de la pensée zaydite. Et au lieu d’opter pour la «sunnisation du zaydisme», comme le suggère la littérature républicaine,ce qui les aurait obligés à renier leur appartenance confessionnelle primordiale, ils ont préféré entreprendre un réformisme immanent au zaydisme. Cette double épreuve de modernisation et de réformisme a inscrit la mouvance zaydite dans un processus de construction d’un universel politique. Or, ce dernier a connu un frein à partir de juin2004, avec le déclenchement de la guerre de Saada (du nom du chef lieu de la province homonyme, frontalière de l’Arabie Saoudite au nord-ouest du pays), entre le gouvernement et les partisans de Husayn, Badr al-Dîn puis ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi(respectivement fils, père et frère). En effet, la «confessionnalisation» de la revendication politique de l’adversaire par le pouvoir a débouché sur une stigmatisation collective,provoquant des reformulations identitaires qui ont sérieusement menacé l’aspect modernisateur de la réaffirmation politico-religieuse des «perdants de l’histoire» au Yémen. / Emerging out of the 26 September, 1962 revolution, North Yemen became not only the first republic in the Arabian Peninsula, but also ended the long-lasting rule of the ShiaZaydi Imamate, embodying the political and religious dominance of the descendants of the prophet Muhammad : the sâda. After the revolution, a majority of the members of this status group, which occupied pre-eminent positions in the social hierarchy of the ancien régime, were relegated to the condition of «losers of the history». Since 1970 and the endof Yemen’s civil war, which pitted republicans against royalists (partisans of theImamate), the sâda adopted a pragmatic political stance, evincing an eagerness to integrate into and adapt to the new system in Yemen, in political as well as in socioprofessional terms.However, within the pluralistic context of the country’s unification in 1990 between North Yemen and South Yemen, some of the sâda choose to give political expression to their Zaydi «sectarian» affiliation, which expression took diverse organizational forms.The resulting Zaydi movement - comprising actors perceived, by the government, as representing the ancien régime - was able to overcome the challenge of compatibility with the republican regime. While adopting a strategy of political modernization, it never ceased asserting its Zaydi thinking. Rather than adopting the «Sunnisation of Zaydism» -as suggested by the republican literature - which would have forced the movement to abandon its primary «sectarian» underpinnings, it opted for an internally congruous Zaydireformism. The two fold undertaking of modernization and reform, put the Zaydimovement on the path of constructing a political vision claiming to be of universal validity. However, this project stalled relatively after June 2004, following the outbreak of the Saada war (from the name of the province bordering Saudi Arabia in the northwest of Yemen), waged between government and the partisans of Husayn, Badr al-Dînand later ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi (respectively son, father and brother). Indeed, the government’s «strategy» of «sectarianization» of its adversary’s political claim, led to acollective stigmatization prompting identity reformulations which seriously threaten the modernizing aspect of the political and religious revival of the «losers of the history» in Yemen.

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The illegal targeting of healthcare in armed conflict is nothing new but its continuance and impunity at a time when the protection of it has formally never been higher, for instance through the UNSC Resolution 2286, motivated this study. Therefore, the thesis analyses how the illegal targeting of healthcare affect humanitarian actors operating in Yemen as well as the local population. How the population and humanitarian actors perceive and interpret the violent targeting of healthcare was explored as well.    This study is based on a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of 11 media outlets and 25 documents provided by humanitarian actors. As a theoretical framework the humanitarian principles, international humanitarian law and the politicisation of humanitarian aid were addressed. Moreover, securitization theory was used in order to explain how humanitarian actors securitize the targeting through language. The results show that consequences of the illegal targeting for humanitarian organisations are limited access to the field as well as the closing of facilities and withdrawal of staff due to security issues. For the Yemeni population consequences are a limited access to healthcare as well as a loss of trust in the safety of medical facilities and therefore they often take the decision to not seek medical care. The analysis shows that humanitarian actors present the illegal targeting as a threat to the survival of beneficiaries and connect this to their own organisational survival and through that securitize the illegal targeting.

It has become widely accepted that if a state sends troops into another state following a government request, it will not breach the prohibition on the use of force set out in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. This is known as "intervention by invitation." However, it is clearly open to abuse, especially when invoked as a legal justification for intervening in a civil war, allowing allies of ineffective governments to help suppress genuine popular revolts. Thus, many 20th century writers argued that intervention by invitation in civil wars was not lawful, on the basis that it would necessarily breach the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. Several 21st century writers have maintained this position. This thesis will challenge those claims. Its focus will be on the legal limits on intervening in a civil war: the key question being what circumstances, if any, preclude a state from responding to a government invitation to intervene in a civil war. Part I will set out the key doctrinal issues and the scope of the research question, including the definition of a civil war. In contrast to previous studies of intervention by invitation, it will critique the alleged prohibition on intervention in civil wars by analysing its two constituent elements, self-determination and non-intervention, from a historical and theoretical perspective, concluding that neither principle is sufficiently clear in definition or application to support a general prohibition on intervention by invitation. Part II will analyse recent state practice on intervention by invitation, in order to determine whether it is an evolving norm in light of new developments such as the global war on terror and the apparent decline of the effective control doctrine. It will also consider potential limits to intervention by invitation in civil wars in the absence of a general prohibition, such as loss of government status, coercion and the ways in which an invitation can be communicated, and the extent to which these limitations have been challenged or confirmed by recent state practice.

This study explores the ways in which two educated Yemeni women understand and engage with storylines in their society which position them as 'sisters of men' obliged to conform to expectations of 'good' wives, mothers, daughters and Muslims. My own long immersion in Yemeni society, and de se experience of being discursively, interactively and structurally positioned as a woman and a wife in that context created a compelling desire to explore the ascribed social identities, roles and relationships of women in Yemen. In keeping with the feminist underpinnings of this study, I used a holistic method of investigation, the life history interview, and a voice relational mode of analysis that facilitated engagement with the women and their multiple subjectivities and positionings. Findings suggest that far from understanding themselves as de facto victims of their men and their religion, these strong and outspoken characters actively and willingly embrace those storylines derived from Islam but live them in sometimes unexpected ways. I also collaborated with my storytellers in the construction of personal narratives to enable readers to understand a little more about the world that these women inhabit, and help transform "information into shared experience" (Denzin 2009: 216). This study makes conceptual, methodological, practical and political contributions and suggests areas for further research.