The thesis aims to take a closer look at fundamental problematic areas of Yemeni society, carries out their deeper analysis and identifies the root causes. It deals specifically with human capital from quantitative(demographic trends) as well as qualitative perspective (level of human development) and analyses current political and security situation. The thesis focuses also on the natural resources -- water and oil, their depletion and estimated available amounts. Yemen will likely become the first country ever to run out of underground water resources. A combination of natural dispositions, economy orientation and technology level could possibly lead to the first humanitarian disaster of its kind. In terms of oil production, Yemen is a small exporter on the global level, however the public finance together with public services provision are on the sector highly depended.

In 1993 William McRaven developed a theory about how special forces units could achieve relative superiority against a larger, well-defended force. To achieve relative superiority, the unit mustconsider the six principles that in one way or other effects the result and makes the difference between failure and success. But a lot have happened since 1993. September 11, 2001 marks as a turning point in the war against terror when al-Qaeda hijacked airliners and flew them straight into World Trade Center and Pentagon. President George Bush declared war against terror immediately, a war that still is beingfought today. Since then, the use of special operations forces has increased dramatically but studies about them remains far behind. The aim of this study is to analyze if McRavens theory remain relevant in modern conflictsagainst terror organizations. This was achieved by applying McRavens theory on two cases, Operation Neptune Spear and The Raid on Yakla. The result shows that the theory has explanatory power but when operating under highest secrecy, information remains restricted for scholars and researchers. Making it difficult to generalize a theory of units of this character.

The Arab Spring that began in Tunisia and spread throughout the Middle East shook the region. These populous movements unseated authoritarian rulers whose power and position were well entrenched, potentially setting numerous countries on a path towards democratization. This project seeks to explain why the democratic transitions within the countries of Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen have been largely unsuccessful. The large amounts of literature that flooded the academic forums through articles and books are analyzed, providing numerous explanations as to why these transitions have been unsuccessful such as polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict. This literature focuses on either one or several of the above-mentioned explanations while not pinning down a central cause for these phenomena, since they are all present in all three cases. This paper asserts that the cause of this hindered transition is the emphasis that these States placed upon electoral democracy. An emphasis placed on elections during transition highlighted and exacerbated factors (polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict) already present in these societies but kept dormant under authoritarian rule. To illustrate this the initial transitional government, representative body elected, and executive is analyzed to show how each governing unit stressed elections before a constitution. The identification of an overarching cause for the lack of fruitful transition like this project seeks to accomplish is of great importance, filling a much needed gap in the literature of comparative Middle Eastern revolutionary studies; along with providing foreign policy makers a tool to craft more impactful policy.

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Weapons can be good for their own safety at the same time, weapons can be a way to make money, by selling weapons. On the other hand, weapons can be a way to oppress people and protect their interests. The arms trade has been an important part of the Swedish economy. A significantly important thing that is increasingly normalized today is more arms exports to more countries This research problem I want to address is Sweden’s arms and munition exports to Saudi Arabia and the UAE between 2015 and 2020. It was in 2015 that Yemen war took place, and these countries chose to expand and strengthen their defense force to battle their enemies in the Yemen war. The purpose of this essay is how can Sweden’s weapons and munition exports to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia be explained based on realism and liberalism. Realism and liberalism are theories that can help me to examine and understand the subject I chose. The subject is very controversial because of the humanitarian situation in Yemen and very interesting to examine. The thesis' approach will be carried out based on qualitative methods where I will use content analysis. Qualitative methods mean that all material collected during the work leads to a desire to dig deeper to analyze. My approach will consist of mass media articles, internet slurs, and debate articles, these sources publish by magazines, collections, and other sources. As a result, Sweden has expanded its arms and munitions exports to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The result of the study shows that realism characterizes the international scene and international relations.

The current study targeted the current issue of the Yemeni crisis and activity of the Houthi movement from the point of its internal and external causes. The activity of the extremist groups on the territory of Yemen creates significant national security risks for most of countries of the Arabian Peninsula. In these conditions, it was important to analyze the problem in detail to comprehend and envision future possible resolutions. To analyze the issue under discussion, the paper utilized the conflict and proxy war theories in the international relations (IR) sphere.  In addition, qualitative data was collected and transformed into quantitative materials using quantitative content and discourse analysis methods. The critical analysis of the selected theories led to the recognition of the key theoretical concepts applicable for the study of the Yemeni case. The methodology was applied to review the official speeches of the national leaders of the following countries and organizations: the UAE, the United States, and Hezbollah. Based on the study findings, the paper determined interests of each potential side and proposed a potential strategy to effectively minimize the security risks caused by the movement.

Normatively, protecting civilians from the conduct of hostilities is grounded in the Geneva Conventions and the UN Security Council protection of civilian agenda, both of which celebrate their 70 and 20 year anniversaries in 2019. Previous research focusses heavily on protection of civilians through peacekeeping whereas this research focuses on ‘non-armed’ approaches to enhancing civilian protection in conflict. Prior research and experience reveals a high level of missingness and variation in the level of available data on civilian harm in conflict. Where civilian harm is considered in the peace and conflict literature, it is predominantly from a securitized lens of understanding insurgent recruitment strategies and more recent counter-insurgent strategies aimed at winning ‘hearts and minds’. Through a structured focused comparison of four case studies the correlation between the level of quality, timely and consistent data on civilian harm and affect on the conduct of hostilities will be reviewed and potential confounders identified. Following this the hypothesized causal mechanism will be process traced through the pathway case of Afghanistan. The findings and analysis from both methods identify support for the theory and it’s refinement with important nuances in the factors conducive to quality, timely and consistent data collection on civilian harm in armed conflict.

Partant des résultats obtenus par Al Ward (2009), qui soulignent l'existence de difficultés interculturelles chez les étudiants yéménites en France qui peuvent conduire à des malentendus et à des conflits interculturels, nous avons ainsi décidé d'étudier ces difficultés interculturelles en cherchant des réponses aux questions suivantes, relatives à la nature de ces difficultés, au pourquoi de leur existence et à la façon de pouvoir y apporter des solutions. Avec l'objectif de répondre à ces questions, nous avons élaboré un questionnaire en nous référant aux mots associés de Zarate (1989), pour collecter auprès des étudiants yéménites, leurs représentations de la culture et de la société françaises. Nous avons également procédé à des entretiens avec des étudiants déjà en France, afin de pouvoir appréhender leurs difficultés. En croisant les deux enquêtes pour les analyses, nous avons pu dresser une liste de difficultés interculturelles qui peuvent survenir dans les communications interculturelles franco-yéménites. Nous avons, ensuite, constaté que ces obstacles peuvent avoir plusieurs origines, par exemple : la méconnaissance de la culture étrangère, l'absence de culture dans les programmes d'enseignement des langues, les représentations négatives de l'Occident régies par les discours religieux et les traditions et les coutumes yéménites qui limitent les contacts entre sexes opposés. Pour remédier à cet état de fait, nous avons procédé à une expérimentation en introduisant le multimédia dans la classe de langue. Grace à ce vecteur, les apprenants ont pu découvrir les traditions, les coutumes et le pays dont ils apprenaient la langue.Ils ont été amenés, ensuite, à réaliser des mini-recherches sur la culture française pour pouvoir accéder, par eux-mêmes, aux différents aspects de la culture étrangère.Enfin, les résultats obtenus après ces deux expériences ont montré une évolution remarquable des représentations des étudiants. Ces résultats soulignent également une décentration des apprenants par rapport à leur culture d'origine et une relativisation de leurs représentations antérieures. / Based on the results obtained by Al Ward (2009) which point out that theexistence of intercultural issues among Yemeni students in France, and lead tomisunderstandings and intercultural conflicts. We decided to study these interculturalproblems by seeking answers to the following questions: what are they, why theyexist, and how can we find solutions? With the aim of answering these questions we developed a questionnaire with reference to associated Zarate (1989) words, to collect immediate representations of French culture and society. We also did interviews with students already in France in order to understand their problems. By combining the two surveys in the analysis, we have a list of intercultural problems which may occur in the French-Yemeni intercultural communications. We then found that these problems can be linked to several causes...

Depuis le début des années soixante-dix, la ville de Sanaa connaît une croissance urbaine fulgurante générant des dynamiques territoriales inédites. Aujourd'hui, celles-ci ont pour principal théâtre les espaces périphériques, voire certaines marges physiques de l'agglomération. On assiste ainsi à l'émergence de centralités périurbaines qui se singularisent à la fois par leur capacité à polariser les activités économiques et à se constituer en espaces-clés de la vie sociale. Cette thèse analyse la fabrique et la pratique de ces centralités émergentes, dont la mise en place modifie autant la structure générale du Grand Sanaa que les rapports identitaires de la société urbaine à son espace. À l'origine produits par des initiatives privées et des pratiques citadines, ces nouveaux centres redéfinissent actuellement l'ensemble des stratégies d'acteurs. Plus encore, il semble s'y inventer de nouveaux cadres d'urbanité : cette recherche se consacre à en préciser les fondements.

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