To survive and succeed in the very competitive business environment, firms should have a clear business strategy supported by appropriate information technology (IT) and marketing strategies. Whilst many prior studies argue that strategic alignment between, for example, business strategy and IT strategy generally enhances organisational performance, strategic alignment including multiple factors has received little attention and strategic orientation of firms is rarely considered. This research, drawing on configurational theory and strategic management literature, aims to understand the performance impact of triadic strategic alignment between business, IT, and marketing strategies based on strategic orientation of firms. A number of hypotheses are proposed to examine the relationship between triadic strategic alignment and organisational performance through the use of structural equation modelling, and to identify generic types of triadic strategic alignment. The hypotheses are tested through MANOVA using data collected in a questionnaire survey of 242 managers in Yemen. The findings indicate that (1) there is an ideal triadic strategic alignment for prospectors and defenders; (2) triadic strategic alignment has a positive impact on organisational performance; and (3) triadic strategic alignment provides a better indication of the nature and performance impact of strategic alignment. Follow-up interviews were also conducted to support the arguments and to clarify how strategies should be aligned. This research also contributes to managers’ knowledge and understanding by suggesting how a firm should coherently align its strategies to improve organisational performance.

Abstract This paper will study the power structure of Yemen from the First World War until 2016. The study will be based on a comparative historical analysis as a method. This method allows for an in-depth understanding of why certain events occur and its impact on today's Yemen’s power structure. The work will also be in theory-consuming design, meaning the empire will be interpreted based on three different theories. These three theories’ will explain why Yemen is a weak state. The focus of the work is to study if Yemen is a functioning state and find crucial explanations for its design as we see today.   The result of this study is that Yemen is a week state but not a falling one. The country stands in front of great difficulties as the country have little impact and small recourses to improve the finance state of the country, while poverty strikes. The country lacks a decentralized policy, secure institutions and good approaches to the country's natural resources. This results in starvation, conflict and uncertainty in the country. Even historical events have divide people and caused identity crisis among the people which is a root to many conflicts.

Critical discourse analysis investigates the ways in which discourse is to abuse power relationships. Political debates constitute discourses that mirror certain aspects of ideologies. This study aimed to uncover the ideological intentions in the formulation and circulation of hegemonic political ideology in TV political debates that occurred in the 2011-2012 Yemen revolution, examining the question of how ideology was used as a tool of hegemony. The corpus of the study consisted of fifteen debates (73915 words) from four live debate programmes (The Opposite Direction, In Depth, Behind the News and the Revolution Talk) staged at Al Jazeera Arabic TV channel between 2011 and 2012. Al Jazeera was selected as the focus of this study because of its position as the most popular TV in the Arab world and due to its strong presence during the Arab revolutions. Two debate sides were identified: government, representing the president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his regime, and protesters, who represented the discontent populace gathering squares who demanded the abdication of the president. Data were also obtained from interviews conducted with the Al Jazeera staff who managed the debates. Analysis was conducted on the verbal discourse aspects of four debates, one debate from each programme, using critical discourse analysis: aspects from the van Leeuwen's (2008, 2009) Social Actor Network model, supplemented by additional linguistic features. The results were triangulated using computer-assisted corpus analysis for the entire corpus, the fifteen debates. AntConc (version 3.2.4w) was used to process the keyword lists, word concordances and collocations. The results of the analysis were then compared with the interviews with AJ staff. The main research finding was that although results of the critical discourse analysis correlated with those of the computer-assisted corpus analysis, they differed to a marked degree from the perceptions of Al Jazeera staff. Also, evident is that Al Jazeera and the protesters had similar ideological intentions, including glorifying the revolution and inciting protests, which was not the case with the government speakers. Overall, the findings show that Al Jazeera displayed evident bias, excluding the government from its debates in a way that runs counter to its mission statement and the tenets of objective journalism. The findings of this study illustrate the powerful role that language plays in shaping ideological media intentions and influencing the media audience.

This study examined how the conflict in Yemen is framed by Althawarah and SabaNews newspapers concerning the Saudi-led coalition airstrikes in the recent war. Using the critical discourse analysis, this thesis analyzed how each newspaper identifies and labels the different warring sides and the action at large based on the classification of "us" and "them," and "blame game." The study also examined and analyzed the texts in order to see if there is an approach towards peaceful resolution or motive of war. The findings, mainly based on CDA of 10 articles from each newspaper, indicate that each newspaper news framing strategies communicate different ideologies and social practices that explicitly reveal each newspaper’s attitude towards the conflict and their individual affiliation with the different warring sides. Both newspapers have a strong war journalism framing, and the contradiction in the narratives, furthermore, represents a subconscious conflict in the national media of Yemen.

This thesis deals indirectly with the current crisis in Yemen by focusing on a period in the Yemen Arab Republic’s (YAR) history from the increased price of oil in 1973 to the outbreak of the Gulf war in 1990. I present the YAR during this period as a case study in labor exportation through which the state was made more vulnerable and was left unable to cope with the collapse of its remittance system. Labor emigration and remittance receipt prior to the Gulf war, in addition to fueling bureaucratic corruption in the YAR, enabled destructive change within the agricultural sector, inflation, national import dependency, and unsustainable urbanization – these structural weaknesses were temporarily masked by Yemen’s labor exportation and by a sustained flow of remittance funding. In 1990 expatriate worker remittances collapsed abruptly as a source of capital, with over a million Yemenis suddenly repatriated. The cases of Mexican and Filipino national labor emigration illuminate the absence of diversity in Yemenis’ immigration destination and the absence of any central orchestration on behalf of the state, in addition to the inability of remittance money to remain within local communities. The period of labor exportation left Yemen with structural fragilities that continue to be the core conditions gripping what today resembles a failed state. Currently Yemen is home to a complex network of actors in violent competition for central authority – yet any government that comes to exist in Yemen must ultimately consider the YAR’s experience with labor exportation from the early 1970s through 1990 as a basis from which to fully understand the underlying weaknesses of the state.

La démarche générale de cette thèse est d’aller étudier le politique ailleurs que dans les oppositions, en explorant les ressorts de l’engagement et les logiques d’action au sein d’un parti hégémonique au pouvoir. A partir d’une enquête de terrain menée au Yémen entre 2008 et 2011 dans différentes sections locales du Congrès populaire général (CPG – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm), j’interroge les pratiques militantes ordinaires et les investissements dont le parti fait l’objet. Le CPG constitue un observatoire privilégié pour interroger l’exercice de la domination – ses modes d’imposition et de contournement – dans un contexte où le régime autoritaire se trouve contesté. Au pouvoir depuis sa création en 1982 et fondé sur l’accommodation historique d’acteurs politiques divers, le parti forme un cadre dans lequel opèrent et se déploient les réseaux de patronage du président Ali Abdallah Saleh (1978-2012). La structure de l’échange politique qui en résulte favorise le développement de dépendances matérielles qui n’excluent pas, si ce n’est entretiennent, des formes multiples d’attachement affectif et idéologique au parti au pouvoir. Je souligne dans cette thèse les ambivalences du soutien au régime autoritaire, l’évolution du régime d’obligations et de contraintes qui en découle, ainsi que l’ambivalence et la réversibilité de l’obéissance et du consentement. Ce travail invite ainsi à interroger les ressorts du fonctionnement et de la résilience d’un régime autoritaire et à dépasser les lectures fonctionnalistes réduisant le parti hégémonique soit à un instrument de reproduction du régime autoritaire, soit à celui de son irrésistible réforme / Contrary to political scientists’ tendency to focus on opposition actors and politics of contention in the Arab world, I study “the political” elsewhere. Built on extensive fieldwork carried out in Yemen from 2008 to 2011, my dissertation explores the motives of commitment, logics of action and everyday forms of activism in a hegemonic ruling party, the General people’s congress (GPC – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm) and in a context where the regime’s authority is contested. The GPC is a great observatory to interrogate the exercise of domination. Founded in 1982, the party has operated as a key apparatus of Ali Abdallah Salih’s authoritarian regime (1978-2012) and a relay for its patronage networks. Far from constituting a homogenous amalgam of president supporters within which discipline is obvious, deep divisions and contradictory logics of action strain the GPC. If its loose structure, the extreme heterogeneity of its members and the elasticity of its political line require the imposition of schemes of domination, they favour in return the expression of indiscipline. In this regard, I study diffuse modes of domination as well as ways to bypass, or even exploit, them. By exploring the dynamics of clientelist politics and politicisation promoted by the party, my dissertation underlines the ambivalences of “participation” and sheds light on the blurry frontier between compliance and resistance, consent and dissent

Cette thèse s'attache aux rapports au politique des artistes visuels yéménites dans un contexte de domination, recouvrant trois États (les deux républiques qui précédent l'unification du Yémen et la république actuelle créée en 1990, jusqu'en 2015). En étudiant la domination en acte à travers une démarche ethnographique, ce travail interroge les conditions de production et d'action des artistes en soutien ou en contestation au régime, comme au cours du moment révolutionnaire de 2011. On observe ainsi le processus de politisation des mondes de l'art au Yémen contemporain, processus compris en tant qu'acquisition d'une signification politique par la pratique artistique et par les réseaux de relations entretenus par les artistes visuels. Ces requalifications de leur travail ou de leur pratique se font dans un contexte traversé par des luttes concurrentielles pour la répartition du pouvoir internes et propres à leurs mondes d'activité, mais aussi externes et propres à l'espace politique institutionnel. La politisation des mondes de l'art apparaît dès lors moins comme un instrument d'accès à cet espace qu'une voie pour accéder à plus de visibilité, à la reconnaissance, et à un meilleur positionnement dans les rapports agonistiques qui configurent ces mondes. / This thesis focuses on the study of Yemeni visual artists' relation to politics in a context of domination, covering three States (the two republics that precede Yemen's unification and the current republic established in 1990, until 2015). Studying domination in action through an ethnographic approach, this work questions artists' conditions of production and of action in support to or in contestation of the regime- as in the case of the revolutionary period of 2011. The focus of this study is the politicization of art worlds in contemporary Yemen, a process understood as the acquisition of a political significance as observed in the artistic practice and in the dynamic networks that artists maintain. The requalification and reclassification of their work and their practice that results from the politicization of art worlds, takes place in a context of competitive struggles over distribution and access to sites of power. Such conflict over power occurs within their own worlds of activity as well as outside them and in relation to the domain of institutional politics. This thesis contends that the politicization of art worlds is more of a means to access visibility and recognition than a resource to participate in the political field. Through the politicization of art, artists are able to better position themselves within the agonistic relations that exist within art worlds.

Informal settlements are a relatively new phenomenon in Yemen, first documented in the 1980s (El-Shorbagi, 2008; 2007). They have since grown at a very rapid rate. Sana'a City, the nation's capital, alone has an estimated 35 informal settlements that together contain 20.5 percent of that urban center's population (El-Shorbagi, 2008; 2007). To date, the Yemeni government has paid limited attention to informal settlements. The government has not developed any specific planning policies to address their needs, partly due to meager resources and professional capacities, and partly as a consequence of conflicting (and higher priority) needs (World Bank, 2010a). The unchecked growth of informal settlements has alarmed local and national authorities as well as international organizations and recently caused officials in these entities to begin to consider seriously how to address this new community reality. This dissertation explores the engagement of state and non-state actors in informal settlement governance in Sana'a. The analysis offered here employs Mahwa Aser, the largest and most controversial informal settlement in Sana'a, as an exemplar for a broader set of concerns for all of Sana'a\s informal communities. The dissertation provides a nuanced portrait of Yemeni government capacities, policies, and practices related to Sana'a's informal settlements generally and to Mahwa Aser particularly via the perspectives and activities of multiple stakeholders, including, importantly, the community's residents. It explores the active governance roles of non-governmental and international organizations seeking to provide services in these communities as well. It also explores ways to build informal community residents' capacities to work with government and with non-governmental organizations (NGOs), international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), and international governmental organizations (IGOs) to address their many basic needs. The analysis draws on personal interviews with key stakeholders, including long-time residents of Mahwa Aser, responsible government officials, and relevant leaders of NGOs, INGOs, and IGOs in Yemen, U.S.A., and Egypt. The author also examined government and international organization reports and documents to gain insight into the governance challenges linked to continued growth of informal communities in Yemen. The study identifies a number of factors that have led to worsening living conditions in Mahwa Aser and other informal settlements in Sana'a. Taken together they suggest the Yemeni government and its partners may need to work far more self-consciously with informal community residents to establish shared goals and clear expectations. Those entities engaged collectively in governing these communities in Sana'a and in Yemen more generally will need to develop reliable policies and coherent programs within a transparent governance framework if the very difficult living conditions in such communities are to be improved. In particular, governance actors will need to devise ways and means to develop government capacities and resources even as they work to address community infrastructure and service needs in a sometimes daunting socio-cultural and economic context. / Ph. D.

No description available.

No description available.