Since the colonial period, Zimbabwe has been a territory characterised by contestation. In the 2000s, Zimbabwe entered a period of severe socio-economic conditions; this period was also marred with several cases of human rights abuses and political violence. This period also saw the emergence of a new opposition party, the Movement of Democratic Change (MDC). In the mid-2000s, South Africa was vested with the task of resolving the political crisis in Zimbabwe by the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Former South African President Thabo Mbeki managed to facilitate a Global Political Agreement (GPA), which was signed on 15 September 2008. This led to an Inclusive Government (IG) being formed on 3 February 2009. The IG brought the three main opposition parties in Zimbabwe into a power-sharing government with the Zanu-PF. This dissertation explores the role played by South Africa in brokering a power-sharing deal in Zimbabwe, it also assesses whether “power-sharing” is an effective peace-building model. At the core of this dissertation is an assessment of the impact of the IG on the politics in Zimbabwe. Three themes are used to assess the politics, namely socio-economics in Zimbabwe, the rule of law in Zimbabwe and the perceived legitimacy of the government. The dissertation uses content analysis as the research method to analyse three newspapers, a South African newspaper, the Mail & Guardian and two Zimbabwean newspapers, the Sunday Mail and the Standard Newspaper. The period of analysis will be from 2005 to 2011. The dissertation offers a substantive analysis of the reporting of the three newspapers. The findings of this dissertation reveal that the socio-economic situation in Zimbabwe has improved since the implementation of the IG but is still in a dire situation. It also reveals that, despite the decrease in reports of human rights abuses and the cases of political violence, Zimbabwe is still devoid of the rule of law. It reveals that the legitimacy of the government is in Zimbabwe has slight improved since the implementation of the IG. The dissertation offers recommendations to the political crisis in Zimbabwe from the discipline of conflict transformation scholarship. / M.Soc.Sc. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 2013.

This thesis is a detailed account of Zimbabwe's controversial fast-track land reform programme. Zimbabwe's land reform history has been discussed extensively, with a focus on land redistribution. The fast-track land reform programme transferred eleven million hectares of land from 4 000 white commercial farmers to 51 543 landless peasant families. The thesis begins by offering some land reform theories and gives an overview of the land question in Southern Africa. This is followed by a discussion of Zimbabwe's land question from a historical perspective. Next is a periodised account of the successes and failures of land reform attempts made by the Zimbabwean government from independence in 1980 to 1998 when the fast-track land reform programme was conceived. Zimbabwe's political and economic situation at this time is significant. The context for fast-track land reform includes a discussion about the national question in Zimbabwe and the deteriorating status of white citizenship; the rise of Zimbabwe's liberation war veterans as a formidable force and the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change as a strong political party that was challenging, among others, the dominance of the ruling Zanu-PF party and its policies. The blueprint for fast-track land reform is discussed in order to contrast it to how the reform unfolded in practice. In this regard, the response of the international community to the violence and lawlessness that characterised fast-track land reform is worth mentioning, especially since it has bearing on how Zimbabweans are trying to cope with life in a radically altered physical and social environment, following the land reform exercise. The consequences of fast-track land reform are analysed in terms of development and the plight of Zimbabwe's farm workers; the internal displacement of hundreds of thousands of farm workers, white commercial farmers and others in Zimbabwe's countryside and whether or not fast-track land reform beneficiaries can successfully engage in agriculture to improve their standard of living. The Vumba and Burma Valley case study is illustrative of how fasttrack land reform was implemented and its socio-economic impact on Zimbabwe's poor and marginalised groups, for instance, female farm workers. The case study offers valuable insights about the survival strategies that ordinary people affected by the land reform exercise are adopting in order to cope with their new circumstances. Data was gathered from a focus group discussion (pilot study), in-depth semi-structured interviews and observation on three farms, as well as interviews with a few government officials, government documents and newspaper reports. The study is useful to countries that are planning or already implementing land reform, for example, South Africa.

Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.

The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.

In today‘s changing demographic, economic, political and environmental context the livelihood strategies developed by the rapidly growing older population deserve particular attention. Lack of support by the state coupled with economic crises and decreasing family availability has meant that older people are increasingly expected to find their own means of support into old age, develop their own strategies and rely on their own resources. Heterogeneity in old age means that while some older people are amongst the most vulnerable and socially down and out, others have accumulated resources that enable them to implement diverse and enterprising livelihood strategies to maintain their wellbeing in old age. This study uses an explorative approach in its quest to understand the various livelihood strategies of the elderly. In-depth interviews and life histories have been utilized as data collection instruments. In addition to this inductive and qualitative research approach, the dissertation uses the sustainable livelihoods framework to examine the different kinds of livelihood strategies employed by the elderly in Mubaira to stave off poverty in old age in the absence of social security systems. A comparative analysis with other regional countries reveals that old age pensions have been able to reduce poverty at old age significantly. By engaging in different livelihood activities, in the absence of old age pensions, the elderly in Mubaira community in Zimbabwe have been able to make a living. Agriculture is the dominant activity the aged people engage in as they try to avert food insecurity. Besides agriculture, aged people diversify their livelihoods through self employments that add income value to their households. The impact of cash and non-cash remittances has seen aged people being able to buy basic goods and a few essentials. Although the state has been dysfunctional, civil society has stepped in to address the livelihood challenges faced by the aged population and in v particular to provide an alternative solution to the needs of the elderly people within the sustainable livelihoods framework which remains one of the most important models for the analysis of rural livelihoods. Through the livelihoods approach‘s vulnerability approach the study also analyses the various impacts affecting the attainment of sustainable livelihood outcomes. Through the utilization of the livelihoods framework in addition to the qualitative research methodology as indicated above, the study found that livelihood activities of the aged require a stock of capital assets which include natural, human, physical, social and financial capital. The life histories of the aged in Mubaira revealed that through the years the aged did accumulate various assets that assist them even now. As the life course perspective suggests events in earlier life do have a bearing on later life, access to a range of capital assets helped old aged people in Mubaira to fully engage in livelihood strategies that ensured their survival and escape from poverty.

Despite decades of development efforts to combat desertification processes in southern Zimbabwe, a development deadlock occurs. Using the local knowledge systems as a basis, and making an effort to strategically facilitate the revival of their capacity for checks and balances as a development approach, endogenous development could become more realistic. The actor-oriented RAAKS.methodology offers relevant tools for a case study'in which an insight into the processes of innovation is obtained in order to confirm this. The Charurnbira case study shows that many local interfaces hinder development. Although the facilitation of platform processes could enhance endogenous development, the external environment provides a serious constraint. The method employed did ndt permit broad conclusions, but a deeper examination of recent experiences suggested that by giving local people a greater say in natural resource use, local knowledge could be utilized more effectively and better use could be made of traditional management structures. / Development Administration / M.A. (Development Administration)

The concept of strategy has advanced significantly from when the emphasis fell on comprehensive, systematic and rational planning. However, many of the assumptions that were embedded in traditional strategy models were deemed to be inadequate and outdated as we approached a new competitive milieu (Maritz, 2010). Strategic Management is still a comparatively young field and the existing toolbox of concepts and techniques remains woefully inadequate (Grant, 2010). This reality should force a re-examination of the traditional strategy paradigms (Maritz, 2010). The literature review has confirmed the observations by Maritz (2010) and Grant (2010) that indeed current strategic management paradigms or approaches were inadequate for unique business environments obtaining in a developing country in Africa, such as Zimbabwe. The motivation for this research, therefore, was to identify and recommend strategic management approaches or paradigms applicable to banks operating in a turbulent and chaotic environment. Based on an extensive literature review, in-depth interviews were conducted with six commercial banks (three that survived the turbulence and three that failed) during the period under review. The study established that the banks that survived the turbulence had a different strategic management approach from the traditional designed ones. It was also noted in this study that in turbulent environments, strategy-making is birthed through an emergent process. When events are moving at an unprecedented speed, as was happening in Zimbabwe, the time intervals between obtaining information, analysing information, taking decisions and implementing those decisions need to be tightly compressed. The researcher coined this process Strategic Intensity (SI). On the other hand, diversification as a strategy was found to be very risky for businesses that did not have a strong foundation and that were lacking in the appreciation of the risk complexion of the businesses into which they were diversifying. This research makes a significant contribution by identifying and recommending Strategic Management approaches applicable to businesses operating in a turbulent and chaotic environment in developing markets such as Zimbabwe. Furthermore, this research also contributes towards the current debate in academic literature amongst practitioners of strategy, about how strategy is really made in organisations (Maritz, 2010). The debate centres around two opposing views: one associated with strategy-making as a formal, deliberate plan, and the other associated with strategies as evolving, ever-changing sets of outcomes that are eventually realised. Finally, the researcher proposes that further studies be conducted at the end of this study. / Business Management / DBL

Text in English / In Zimbabwe, women are concentrated in rural areas where there are limited resources. For human development to be achieved, the welfare of women needs to be taken into consideration. Some NGOs operating in the country aim at advancing and improving the status of women and promote gender equality through socio-economic empowerment programmes. This study aimed at determining the impact of three selected local NGO’s programmes at grassroots level. The study revealed that progress has been made in transforming the general livelihoods of the women who are members of these organisations at grassroots level but there are various issues which these NGO’s have to consider so as to improve their effectiveness. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.

Thesis (MDF (Development Finance))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Meer en meer mense werk buite hul land van herkoms as ooit tevore, en die geld wat hulle stuur na hul tuislande kan bestempel word as ‘n belangrike ekonomiese krag. Hierdie geld kan ’n belangrike rol speel in die ekonomie wat die geld ontvang. Die geld wat reiswerkers tuis stuur word remise of geldsending genoem en oortref reeds Offisiële Ontwikkelingshulp en oortref selfs Buitelandse Investering in sommige lande. Hierdie navorsingsverslag fokus op Zimbabwe, ’n land waarvan die ekonomie volgens sommiges reeds lank gelede moes ineengestort het. Die studie ondersoek tot watter mate geldsending die Zimbabwe ekonomie beskerm teen ineenstorting. Die verslag gebruik ’n opname onder verskeie rolspelers om te wys hoe geldsending die Zimbabwe ekonomie beskerm teen internasionale uitsluiting en sanksies. Zimbabweërs wat die ekonomiese swaarkry vrygespring het in hul land van herkoms stuur voortdurend geld na vriende en familie. Remise word deels gebruik as investering in kleinsake, terwyl deel van die buitelandse valuta investeer word in komoditeite wat die land moeilik deur offisiële kanale sou kon bekom. Die studie het bevind dat geldsending in 2005 en 2006 ongeveeer 25.5% en 25 persent respektiewelik tot die Bruto Nasioanle Produk van Zimbabwe bygedra het. Die studie het verder ’n paar interresante bevindinge gemaak. Een van hierdie is die ongedokumenteerde verskynsel van defleksie van geldsending na meer stabiele ekonomieë of geldeenhede. Sulke remise word dan in die land gehou waar dit gegenereer is, of dit word gestuur in ’n stabiele geldeenheid, of dit word selfs in die vorm van produkte soos kos gestuur. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: More and more people are working outside their countries of citizenship than before. These people are now a major economic force to their countries of origin as they are sending a lot of money to relatives back home. This income plays a key role in receiving economies. The money migrants send home is referred to as remittances and the amount transferred globally has eclipsed official development assistance (ODA) and in some economies it is well ahead of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). This research focuses on Zimbabwe, a country whose economy has long been anticipated to collapse but has so far evaded that implosion. It explores to which extent remittances are cushioning Zimbabwe’s economy from collapse. This report uses a survey of a number of role players to show how remittances have cushioned that economy from the effects of international isolation and sanctions. Zimbabweans who “escaped” the economic hardships in their country of origin have been consistently sending money home to their friends and relations. Money received has partly been invested in small businesses and part of the forex has been used to procure commodities that the country has struggled to acquire through official channels. The study found that the amount of remittances sent for 2005 and 2006 has respectively contributed approximately 25.5 and 25 percent to the GDP of Zimbabwe. The study further made a number of interesting findings. One of these seems to be the undocumented phenomenon of the deflection of remittances to more stable economies or currencies. Such remittances would be kept in the country where it is generated, or it would be sent back in a stable country, or could even be in the form of products such as food.