Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Literature, particularly institutional approaches, emphasizes that parliamentary systems like Canada have avoided controversial morality policy issues including - and perhaps especially - abortion. This, however, fails to account for historical and contemporary developments in Canadian abortion policy and politics at the federal level. More specifically, it fails to adequately conceptualize how governments engage with abortion in practice, such as with the introduction of the omnibus bills in the 1960s and C-43 in 1989, as well as the increasing use of abortion as a political weapon in election campaigns and party politics. Using framing theory and the concepts of politicisation and depoliticisation, this dissertation fills this gap by unpacking how Canada’s federal governments have managed abortion policy and politics from 1966 to 2019, both in discourse and in concrete actions in parliament. More precisely, the federal government's evolving discourses (stories) and actions on the abortion issue were examined through sources that span the 1960s up to 2019, including parliamentary transcripts (Hansard), parliamentary committee transcripts (Evidence) and reports, cabinet documents, and interviews. This dissertation presents an original typology to facilitate a more dynamic understanding of (de)politicisation. It categorizes politicising and depoliticising movements according to how actors use the dimensions of time, space, and capacity to delay, defer and establish limits to their agency in depoliticising procedural action or discourse, or to emphasize an issue on the agenda, claim jurisdiction or responsibility, and establish authority and capability in politicising procedural action or discourse. This yields a more dynamic understanding of how governments have managed the abortion issue over time, demonstrating how governments and their representatives have used - often simultaneously - both politicising and depoliticising actions and discourses. This management, which may be intended to dampen controversy, can also result in uneasy and even contradictory discourses and actions that may generate new sources of conflict. Capturing this dynamism affirms that governments do not simply "avoid" or "engage" with abortion, but that their positions are unsteady and often contradictory, moving back-and-forth - often simultaneously - in their efforts to manage the issue. Using this typology, this dissertation maps out the evolving discourses and approaches through which the federal government approached abortion over time. It argues that, through the 1960s to 1980s, the government approached abortion as a policy problem that required a legislative solution. Beginning in the 1990s and becoming more prominent in the 2000 election and thereafter, the government began using abortion as a political weapon, which served to demarcate Liberal Party values against conservative parties, and vice versa. This dissertation contributes by expanding (de)politicisation theory through its typology, creating a means to analyse the complex and interactive relationship between (de)politicisation, as well as contributing a Canadian case study to the primarily British and Eurocentric depoliticisation literature. This dissertation also bridges the gap between morality policy literature and (de)politicisation, which may be fruitful for additional study into how political actors manage morality policy issues. Empirically, this dissertation offers a comprehensive history of Canada's federal policy and politics of abortion over the past half century, documenting the significant shifts in the discourses and approaches of federal governments on this contentious issue.

Since the ruling of Roe v. Wade in 1973, controversy in regards to its acceptance in the U.S. remains prevalent politically and socially as opponents of abortion “pro-life” has adopted a strategy of “legal but inaccessible” that has resulted in the passage of several state laws since its establishment. This research project examines relationship between the level of support for abortion policy in the U.S. and some factors namely; Gender, Religious background, and Political ideology by drawing from an online-survey of 100 university students in the U.S. Also, it examines the difference in abortion rates among U.S. states that are governed by republican or democratic governors using abortion rate data of all 50 U.S. states including the District of Columbia for the year 2015 sourced from Abortion statistics and other data. Two statistical techniques were employed and they include: Chi-Square test and Independent sample T-test. Results from the chi-square tests support the null hypothesis that there is no relationship between the support for abortion policy and gender, religious background, and political ideology. Also, from the T-test result, we found that there is no significant difference in abortion rates among U.S. states that are governed by republican or democratic governors. Findings based on the trend analysis of annual U.S. abortion from 1973-2015 shows that the reported annual abortion in the U.S. is on a continuous decrease since the 1990s even though abortion has been legalized in all U.S. states.

No description available.

The purpose of this study has been to find out if the Christian Democratic Party of Sweden have changed their policy in their fundamental questions of value. In order to do this, I have based my study upon the following two questions: 1. How did the Christian Democracy's view and politics look at the issue of abortion? 2. How did Christian Democracy's family policy and view of family look like? The reason for choosing these two issues – the Christian Democratic Party’s abortion stance and family policy – is because these two issues are the founding core of the ideology that is known as Christian democracy – family and dignity. In order to answer my questions, I have chosen to go through parliamentary bills at the website of the swedish parliament. There I found bills from the Christian Democratic Party in the issues of abortion and family between the years 1985 and 1998. I have chosen a qualitative method and with that method dived into the archives of the swedish parliament. The reason for chosing a qualitative method has been because that method relies on the possibility of reaching results by analyzing words rather than numbers, which is preferable as this study intends to analyze and interpret what Christian Democratic MPs have written in their parliamentary bills. With the qualitative method, I have gone through the motions and focused on writing about abortion legislation and the right to life when it comes to abortion, and staying in daycare versus children in home care when it comes to family policy. The study shows that the Christian Democratic Party of Sweden did infact radically change in some core issues like the abortion stance when, for example, they supported the abortion legislation. They have also increasingly come to focus on the abortion and pregnancy prevention work. The Christian Democratic family policy, however, has proved to be more consistent, although here too, some pragmatism has been shown, for example when it comes to testing the need for child allowance for certain groups.

Abortion policy differs greatly in the countries of the world. Some countries are moving towards a more restrictive abortion policy, whereas other countries are more allowing and stipulate the right to abortion in their constitution. The question of abortion policy is constantly important and brings large effects on both individuals and society. The aim of the study is to explain determinants abortion policy and what determinants are responsible for moving a country from restrictive to permissive abortion policy. Earlier studies tell us that economy, culture, and equality are factors that influence abortion policy in a country, but that the field of study is largely unexplored. We use a multiple regression analysis of panel data of 194 countries during the years 2011-2022. The study shows that abortion policy and changes toward permissive abortion policy depend positively on GDP per capita, women’s representation in political parliament and higher education. Abortion policy also depends negatively on the percentage of Catholics and Muslims in the population, as well as the income distribution. The study shows significant results for all determinants in all models excluding one, and the result confirms our hypothesises. The study can be used as a base for policy and more research is still needed on the subject.