The issue with achieving a balance between a stable democratization process and peacebuilding is an ongoing difficulty. Scholars argue that the long-term effects are not properly considered when constructing a peace accord and is affecting the process of nation-rebuilding. The integrationalist and consociationalist perspectives, two major strands within this field, disagree on the point of incorporating ethnicities in the political arena, in which both parties argue that the outcome is negative for a state's developmental process.  An analysis of state reports conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the cases´ peace accords, will be conducted using Freedom Houses indicators for political rights. This is to observe if there is a difference in efficiency between the two perspectives and to what degree it can be mirrored in the level of political rights in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. The Most Similar System Design is used to isolate the similar variables that the two case countries share in order to compare a possible difference in the level of political rights. The results show that there is a difference seen from the start to the end point for both cases, as well as a difference in the level of political rights between the two. This lines up with the findings of present scholars on this topic thus amplifying the need for more research to be conducted.

La négociation collective est une pratique apparue, en France, à l’aube du XXe siècle. Elle compense au niveau collectif le déséquilibre entre employeur et salarié inhérent à tout contrat de travail individuel. L’essor de la pratique conventionnelle a conduit le législateur à élaborer un véritable droit de la négociation collective tendant à l’amélioration des conditions de vie et de travail des salariés.Depuis 1982, la négociation collective a également pour finalité l’amélioration de l’organisation de l’entreprise et des relations de travail. Les accords collectifs organisationnels défendent des intérêts plus généraux tels que l’intérêt de l’entreprise ou de la société et non plus uniquement l’intérêt catégoriel des salariés. Ils peuvent ainsi créer des obligations à la charge des salariés ou contenir des dispositions qui leurs sont moins favorables.Pour permettre aux accords organisationnels de développer pleinement leurs effets, le législateur a réformé les règles protectrices des salariés et autorisé les accords collectifs – notamment d’entreprise – à déroger, dans un sens moins favorable, à la loi ou à un accord supérieur.Cette étude a pour objet de démontrer qu’une autre voie était possible. En effet, la consécration des accords organisationnels pouvait se réaliser sans porter atteinte aux règles protectrices des salariés, traditionnellement inhérentes au droit du travail. Néanmoins, le caractère potentiellement dérogatoire ou « donnant-donnant » des accords organisationnels obligeait à réformer les règles relatives à leur légitimité. / As the 20th century dawned in France collective bargaining emerged as a new practice. At mass-level it compensates the inequality between an employer and an employee in the power relationship which stems from any individual employment contract.Following the development of that conventional practice lawmakers have established a new field of lawconcerning collective bargaining which aims at improving the working and living conditions of salaried workers.Since 1982, the aim of collective bargaining has been extended to cover the improvement of organization andrelations on the workplace. Organizational collective agreements have come to defend (more) general interestssuch as the interest of a given company or of society and not only the interests of the different categories of salaried workers. These agreements can thus create duties for the employees or contain clauses witch are less favourable to them.In order for the organizational agreements to be fully effective law-makers have reformed the regulations which govern the protection of employees and in some cases even approved collective agreements -namely company agreements- which depart from the law or higher level agreement, and become less favourable.This study will demonstrate that it was possible to act differently.Indeed organizational agreements could have existed without infringing the protection of worker’s rights, such asit is required by labour law. Nevertheless, the potentially less favourable character or quid pro quo principle of organizational agreements required reforming the rules relating their legitimacy

La présente thèse de doctorat prend pour objet d’étude la question des disparus de la fin de la guerre d’Algérie, en l’occurrence, à partir du cessez-le-feu du 19 mars jusqu’à la fin de l’année 1962. Ne pouvant restreindre notre investigation à cette seule période, nous avons élargi notre étude aux conséquences des disparitions. Cette démarche, qui a le mérite de suivre l’événement tragique de son apparition à sa prise en compte par les autorités et la société, avec son retentissement jusqu’à aujourd’hui se déroule en trois parties. La première partie « chercher les disparus » (chapitres 1 à 3), revient sur les recherches, par les autorités compétentes, de la personne physique ou de sa dépouille disparue d’une part, et présente d’autre part la relégation du fait de « chercher les disparus » en un objet de recherche scientifique. Les abus de langage liés à la polysémie du mot « disparu », la surenchère statistique et les usages politiques et mémoriels sont également mis en lumière afin de comprendre les raisons de cet angoissant mystère. La deuxième partie présente les modes opératoires adoptés, tels que les enlèvements et les arrestations arbitraires, afin de « faire disparaître » (chapitres 4 à 6). Les différents auteurs, cibles et mobiles de ces exactions sont ainsi examinés. Enfin, la troisième partie « vivre la disparition » (chapitres 7 à 9) revient essentiellement sur les répercussions économiques et psychologiques pour les familles et les proches confrontés, entre autres, à des problèmes pécuniaires, au poids des rumeurs et au deuil impossible lequel est lié à l’incertitude du sort des « ni morts, ni vivants ». / This doctoral thesis aims to study the issue of the people who went missing at the end of the Algerian War, namely from the cease-fire of 19 march until the end of 1962. As we were not able to restrict our investigation to this period alone, we expanded our study to the consequences of the disappearances. This approach, which follows the tragic event from its outset to its recognition by the authorities and society, including its impact to date, is in three parts. The first part, « searching for the disappeared » (chapters 1-3), revisits the search by the relevant authorities for the missing individual or their remains, and the relegation of the « search for the disappeared » to an object of scientific research. The misuse of language linked to the multiple meanings of the word « disappeared », statistical escalation and the political and memorial uses of the issue are also highlighted in order to understand the reasons behind this agonizing mystery. The second part presents the procedures used, such as abductions and arbitrary arrests, to « make people disappear » (chapters 4-6). The different perpetrators, targets and motives of these abuses are also examined. Finally, the third part « living with disappearance » (chapters 7-9) focuses largely on the economical and psychological repercussions for families and loved ones, which includes financial problems, rumors and the impossibility of mourning due to the uncertainty of the fate of « those who are neither dead nor alive ».

Ce travail tente d’une part, d’étudier les origines de la thématique du retour d’exil et ses différentes formes dans la littérature arabe : la forme de retour chez les écrivains arabes contemporains et celle des poètes du Mahğar. Puis, la forme du retour dans la poésie classique, notamment chez les poètes qui sont rentrés chez eux après une longue absence. Enfin, la forme de retour chez les poètes préislamiques, telle qu’elle se manifeste dans « al-Muqaddimaẗ al-ṭalaliyyaẗ » (l’introduction des ruines). D’autre part, notre étude tente d’explorer la thématique de retour dans la littérature palestinienne contemporaine et de montrer la particularité de ce phénomène chez les auteurs palestiniens revenus en Palestine après les Accords d’Oslo en 1993. En effet, plusieurs d’entre eux abordent la thématique du retour dans des œuvres littéraires variées. Ils y expriment souvent l’échec et la déception face à la réalité retrouvée. En outre, cette étude s’intéresse à la complexité du retour dans la littérature palestinienne. En effet, deux problématiques principales émergent : la première est liée au phénomène du retour d’exil et la deuxième est liée au contexte socio-politique particulier de la Palestine. Ces deux problématiques font du cas du retour palestinien un phénomène à part dans la littérature arabe contemporaine. / This research attempts on one hand, to study the origins of the theme of return and its various forms in Arabic literature : as perceived by contemporary arab writers versus by poets of Mahğar. Then, the shape of the return in classical poetry, especially among poets who have returned back home after a long absence. Eventually, the shape it adopted among pre-Islamic poets, as illustrated in « al-muqaddimaẗ ṭalaliyyaẗ » (the introduction of the ruins). On the other hand, our study intents to explore the theme of return in contemporary Palestinian literature and to demonstrate the peculiarity of this phenomenon among Palestinian returnee authors after Oslo agreements in 1993. Indeed, many of them oftently expressed the failure and disappointment facing the newfound reality. Furthermore, this research addresses the return’s complexity in Palestinian literature. Indeed, two main issues were raised : the first one is related to the phenomenon of return from exile and the second one, to the specific political context of Palestine. These two issues render unique the Palestinian return, a phenomenon in contemporary Arabic literature.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

O uso de óleos essenciais na indústria de fragrância tem crescido a cada ano. A indústria de cosméticos, em geral, tem buscado este tipo de ingrediente com o objetivo de agregar atributos únicos e melhores aos seus produtos e assim entregar, ao consumidor final, diferenciais que poderão valorizar suas formulações, além de simplesmente perfumar. O benefício de usar óleos naturais ou acordes de seus principais componentes em formulações de fragrâncias é que estes se tornam composições mais ricas, e em muitos casos, capazes de proporcionar perfumação prolongada ao produto, quando comparados àqueles sintetizados. A presença de compostos variados nos óleos, como terpenos e resinas, ajudam a promover singularidades à fragrância e até mesmo servem como inspiração às criações de produtos com descrições olfativas de produtos naturais. Croton tricolor (Euphorbiaceae), segundo avaliação inicial de um perfumista, apresentou excelentes características olfativas, o que facilitou seu uso nos estudos. A análise do óleo essencial de C. tricolor por cromatografia à gás com detector de ionização de chamas (CG/DIC) e cromatografia à gás acoplada à espectrometria de massas (CG/EM) permitiu quantificar e identificar seus principais marcadores, bem como utilizar estas informações para construção de acorde olfativo, reproduzindo o odor do produto natural. O óleo essencial de C. tricolor apresentou como principais componentes o biciclogermacreno (15,4%), espatulenol (10,5%) e o alfa-pineno (6,8%). A partir destes dados foi construído um acorde aromático que reproduziu o odor original, contendo alfa-pineno (7%), álcool fenetílico (5%), óleo de cedro (5%), óleo de laranja (0,5%), limoneno (1%), eucaliptol (0,5%) e nerolidol (0,3%). Os compostos majoritários, biciclogermacreno e espatulenol, não foram adicionados por não serem disponíveis comercialmente, por isso, usaram-se outras matérias-primas semelhantes em perfil olfativo e ofertadas no mercado, como foi o caso do uso de álcool fenetílico, óleo de cedro e óleo de laranja na criação do acorde. Os resultados evidenciaram que a criação de acordes é um método economicamente viável para a reprodução de odores naturais que podem ser utilizados em formulações de fragrâncias, além de ajudar a resolver problemas na produção e comercialização de óleos essenciais como, sazonalidade e reprodutibilidade. / The use of essential oils in the fragrance industry has grown every year. The cosmetics industry has generally sought this type of ingredient, with the aim of providing its products with differentiated benefits (unique and better attributes), and thus delivering to the final consumer a differential that can enhance their formulations, besides simply perfuming their products (theirs). The benefit of using natural oils or accords of their major components in fragrance formulations makes them richer, and in many cases capable of providing prolonged perfuming to the final product when compared to synthesized products. The presence of varied compounds in the oils, such as terpenes or (and) resins, helps to promote differentiated fragrance characteristics (singularities/peculiarities to the fragrance), or (and) even to serve as inspiration for product creations with olfactory descriptions of natural products. Croton tricolor (Euphorbiaceae), accordingly to an initial evaluation of a perfumer, presented excellent olfactory characteristics, which facilitated its use in the studies. The analysis of the C. tricolor essential oil by gas chromatography with flame ionization detector (GC/FID) and gas chromatography coupled to mass spectrometry (GC/MS) allowed to quantify and identify their main markers, as well as to use this information to construct an olfactory accord that reproduces the odor of natural products. The C. tricolor essential oil had as main components bicyclogermacrene (15.4%), spathulenol (10.5%) and alpha pinene (6.8%). From these data, an aromatic accord was created reproducing the original odor containing alpha pinene (7%), phenethyl alcohol (5%), cedar oil (5%), orange oil (0.5%), limonene (1%), eucalyptol (0.5%) and nerolidol (0.3%). Some of the major compounds, bicyclogermacrene and spatulenol, could not be added because they were not commercially available. In these cases (therefore), other products (raw materials) with similar olfactory characteristics (olfactory profile) and commercially viable (offered on the market) were used, such as the use of phenethyl alcohol, cedar oil and orange oil in the accord creation. The results showed that accord creation is an economically viable method for the reproduction of natural odors that can be used in fragrance formulations and may help to solve problems that exist in the production and commercialization of essential oils such as production seasonality and reproducibility.

Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / U.S. President Jimmy Carter's handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East can only be properly understood in the context of his religious beliefs. Carter pursued what amounted to a faith-based foreign policy. Guided by the Christian concepts of justice, forgiveness, humility, and an emphasis on the importance of individuals, Carter attempted to make policy conform to the standards set by his faith. Viewing the Arab-Israeli conflict through this lens, he committed to advancing the Middle East peace process out of a Christian sense of duty. Religious belief caused Carter to champion the Palestinians' cause since he believed that the Palestinian people were suffering grave injustices under the Israeli occupation of the West Banka and Gaza. Ultimately, his faith-based approach proved unable to resolve the many diplomatic challenges facing his administration in the region. Fearing that any chance for peace might be lost, he invited Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and President Anwar Sadat of Egypt to Camp David for substantive talks in September 1978. Only when Carter abandoned his religiously grounded policy orientation and embraced a coldly calculating approach did he succeed in getting the Israelis and Egyptians to agree to a deal. With the conclusion of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in March 1979, Carter effectively removed himself from any further involvement in the process. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

O objetivo da presente dissertação será analisar a Lei 10.973/04 (Lei de Inovação Tecnológica) a partir de princípios e elementos de direito administrativo. Inicialmente serão estudados os aspectos conceituais da inovação tecnológica, a partir de sua relação com o conhecimento primariamente voltado ao domínio público e os efeitos de sua patrimonialização. Estudaremos também as influências estrangeiras, especialmente norte-americana e francesa, que contribuíram para a construção do marco legal nacional e as críticas ao modelo estrangeiro. Passaremos, então, ao estudo dos principais aspectos da lei de inovação, ou seja, a caracterização dos sujeitos aos quais à lei se aplica e a disciplina geral dos acordos e convênios previstos na lei. Por fim, especificaremos e analisaremos cada tipo de acordo, sua relação com outros institutos de direito administrativo e eventuais obstáculos para sua implementação. / L\'objectif de cette thèse vise à lanalyse de la Loi 10.973/04 (Loi sur l\'innovation technologique) à partir des éléments et des principes du droit administratif. Pour commencer, on étudiera les aspects conceptuels de l\'innovation technologique, à partir de sa relation avec les connaissances, dirigées principalement au domaine public et les effets de leur conversion en biens patrimoniaux. Les influences étrangères, notamment laméricaine et la française, qui ont contribué à la construction du cadre juridique national seront également analysées. Ensuite, notre analyse envisagera les principaux aspects de la loi sur l\'innovation, à savoir la qualification des personnes à qui la loi s\'applique et la discipline des accords et des engagements prévus par la loi. Après on précisera et analysera chaque accord prévu par la loi, ses relations avec d\'autres instituts de droit administratif et les obstacles à son application.

Depuis plus de deux décennies, 320 accords d'entreprise transnationaux (AET) ont été conclus par 190 entreprises transnationales couvrant plus de 10 millions de salariés dont 2 en Europe (y.c fournisseurs et sous-traitants). On dispose désormais du recul nécessaire pour affirmer que I' AET est un accord de droit privé, négocié en l'absence d'un cadre juridique qui l'ignore encore, par des acteurs patronaux et salariés à la légitimité parfois incertaine, mais disposant d'une large autonomie d'opportunité, de méthode, de choix des thèmes, de périmètre, et de résolution des litiges. Or cette autonomie n'est que relative: l'application homogène de I' AET en son périmètre multinational reste une gageure, puisque confrontée à la diversité des règlementations. C'est l'occasion pour I' AET de révéler sa capacité de créer et déployer ses dispositions privées sans intervention externe, en particulier du juge. Ses atouts : son opportunisme à se mouler dans les imperfections légales, à combler des vides juridiques, et à instaurer d'improbables harmonisations légales sur un périmètre qu'il se donne. Cette thèse a pour objet de démontrer que l'AET est le fruit d'un délicat équilibre reposant sur trois phases d'égale importance (négociation, déploiement et suivi) dont les engagements désormais tangibles et synallagmatiques, se consolident sur la durée. Afin que I' AET ne soit pas perçu comme une« norme d'ajustement», l'ancrage de son autonomie devrait faire l'objet d'une reconnaissance légale internationale et nationale, lui conférant une véritable identité, prohibant toute régression en matière économique, sociale et environnementale et lui permettre de se démocratiser davantage. / In the past two or so decades, 320 transnational company-wide agreements (TCAs) have been entered into by 190 transnational corporations, covering over 10 million employees (2 million in Europe), along with suppliers and sub­contractors. By now, one has sufficient hindsight to confidently state that a TCA is a private-law agreement, negotiated (statute law being silent here) by corporate management and employees (some of whom of doubtful legitimacy), and enjoying considerable leeway when it comes to opportunities, method, choice of issues, purview and conflict-resolution. That independence nonetheless remains relative: for a TCA to apply across-the-board on a multinational level continues to be somewhat hazardous, given how greatly regulations may vary. This provides the occasion for a TCA to show its capacity for setting up and deploying private provisions without third-party intervention, notably from the Courts. The advantages: its ability to fill-out, as it were, gaps in the law, making up for the law's eventual inadequacies, while harmonising the law, against ail expectation, within a self-defined purview.This thesis has been designed to show how the TCA emerges from a delicate balance between three stages, equal in importance (negotiations, deployment, follow-up) with its tangible, synallagmatic commitments consolidating as time goes on. In order for a TCA to be viewed otherwise than as a mere "adjustment-standard", we suggest that its independence should henceforth be acknowledged by both domestic and international law, thereby granting it a true identity and preventing back-sliding in economic, social and environmental matters, while enabling it to become ever more democratic.

The ad hoc Offshore Accords signed between the Martin Government, and each Newfoundland and Nova Scotia have fundamentally altered the landscape of regional redistribution in Canada. The fallout from the Accords has had an immediate impact on the functioning of the Equalization Program and the political factors that inform debate over future reforms. This thesis examines the factors that led to the February 2005 Offshore Accords. It also examines the case of Saskatchewan's treatment under the Equalization Program