Cette étude utilise à titre principal la théorie du « milieu » de Michel Serres dans le cadre de son grand concept de système de communication. Cette théorie considère les bruits qui environnent un message dans un canal de communication, comme des éléments importants qui décideront si le message est bien compris (ou non) par le Récepteur.Cette étude relie la théorie à un contexte plus large de la communication dans la province d’Aceh, en Indonésie, et reflète les éléments socio-politico-culture de sa reconstruction, après le tsunami de 2004.En appliquant l'approche de l'Anthropologie aux Technologies d’Information et de Communication (TIC), cette étude observe les « bruits » de la communication entre les habitants d'Aceh et l'équipe d'intervention d'urgence en TIC « AirPutih », composée de ce que l’on appelle communément des « hackers ».Le premier « bruit » vient de l'Emetteur du message, « AirPutih », avec son idéologie de Hackers et sa vision du monde javanaise. Le terme « Hacker » est techniquement utilisé pour une personne qui a écrit le code informatique et l'exploite dans les questions relatives à un système de sécurité de réseau. Mais cette étude utilisera préférablement le terme « Hacker » pour décrire l'état d'esprit d'AirPutih, le groupe de jeunes gens indonésiens qui sont arrivés à Aceh quatre jours après le tsunami qui a dévasté la région en 2004, pour rétablir la connexion TIC avec très peu d’argent en poche. L’état d'esprit de ces hackers qui sont, pour la plupart, d'origine javanaise, s’enracine dans les visions du monde javanais. Le second « bruit » vient du récepteur du message : les habitants d'Aceh. Le contexte culturel d'Aceh a connu deux évènements importants : la guerre civile qui a fait rage entre les habitants d'Aceh et le gouvernement central indonésien depuis 30 ans et le tsunami qui a frappé la zone en 2004. Il importe d’ailleurs de noter que les habitants d'Aceh sont de la longue histoire de leur vigoureux Etat islamique.Ces « bruits » se manifestent dans le « milieu » de la communication entre AirPutih et les habitants d'Aceh. Ces « bruits » seront examinés ici comme une négociation entre deux cultures, fortement contrainte par l'état post-catastrophe de région d'Aceh.Fondées sur les extraordinaires résultats d'AirPutih pour rétablir l'infrastructure des TIC en Aceh, les valeurs sociales qui ressortent de cette situation apparaissent alors comme opposées à l'hégémonie de la logique capitaliste qui domine le monde d'aujourd'hui. / This study focuses on Michel Serres’ theory of “Milieu” as part of his bigger concept of communication systems. The theory considers that the surrounding Noises of a message in the canal of communication are the important elements that will decide whether the message is well understood (or not) by the receiver.This study places the theory in a wider context of communication in Aceh, Indonesia, reflecting the socio-politico-culture elements in the reconstruction of Aceh region after the Tsunami disaster of 2004.Using the approach of the Anthropology of Infocom, this study observes the “Noises” in the communication between the ICT Emergency Response Team “AirPutih” - which this study considers as Hackers - and the local inhabitants of Aceh.The first “Noise” comes from the Sender of the message: AirPutih, with its Hackers’ ideology and its Javanese code of behavior. The term ‘Hacker’ is technically used for a person who writes code and exploits it in issues related to a security system. This study, instead, will use the term ‘hackers’ to describe the mindset of AirPutih, the Indonesian group of young people who arrived in Aceh, Indonesia, only four days after the tsunami devastated the region in 2004, and re-established the ICT connection with almost no money at hand. This mindset of the hackers embraces the Javanese worldviews rooted in the everyday lives of the members of AirPutih, who are mostly of Javanese origin. The second “noise” comes from the Receiver of the message: the Acehnese. The cultural context of the Acehnese had endured two robust events: the civil war that raged between the Acehnese and the Indonesian central government for 30 years and the tsunami that hit Aceh in 2004. The Acehnese are also proud of their long history as a vigorous Islamic state.These “Noises” were in the “milieu” of the communication between AirPutih and the Acehnese. These “Noises” are scrutinized as the negotiation of cultures that is strongly framed by the post-disaster condition of Aceh, Indonesia. Surrounded by the intriguing result of the successful work of AirPutih in reestablishing the ICT infrastructure in Aceh, the values that come out from this discussion are then opposed to the prevailing hegemony of capitalist logic that dominates the world of today.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Linguistics, 1997? / Errata pasted on front end paper. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 200-210).

Revision of the author's thesis (M.A.)--University of Malaya, 1968. / Maps of Sumatra in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries on endpapers. Includes bibliographical references (p. [329]-339) and index.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-140). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Superficial information of the civil wars in Aceh, Indonesia and Sri Lanka creates the idea that both conflicts were in similar situations when they were hit by the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004. It thus seems surprising that in the wake of the tsunami, the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia signed a peace agreement, while the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Government of Sri Lanka returned to war. This thesis aims to explore what factors related to the tsunami contributed to this difference and whether rational choice theory can serve as an explanation for this difference. In order to find out, I conducted a qualitative comparative case study though the analysis of secondary documents. The results suggest that the factors that contributed to the difference can be divided into four broad themes: (1) the timing of the tsunami and thus the pre-disaster context; (2) the geographical situation and with that, the military impact; (3) the types of guerilla groups, including their abilities to rule, their access to financial capital and their strategic; (4) the role of the international community, which can be further divided into firstly, the geopolitical relevance of these countries, and secondly, internationalization, community engagement and separating the tsunami and conflict. I believe that rational choice theory explains the difference in outcome between the two conflicts very well. This theory assumes that people, given the circumstances, and in view of all the possible options, will act in line with the option that is expected to satisfy them most and minimize their losses. Applying this theory to the case studies of Aceh and Sri Lanka following the tsunami, it was appealing for the Free Aceh Movement to settle, but this was not the case for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. As a result, the former chose to sign a peace agreement with the Government of Indonesia, whereas the latter chose to continue its fight against the Government of Sri Lanka.

The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen. / These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Thesis (M.A. (Health Social Science))--Mahidol University, 2006. / LICL has E-Thesis 0012 ; please contact computer services.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地球環境学) / 甲第21240号 / 地環博第176号 / 新制||地環||35(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院地球環境学舎地球環境学専攻 / (主査)教授 岡﨑 健二, 准教授 小林 広英, 准教授 西前 出 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Global Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

In recent decades we have seen an increase in peace processes aimed at solving armed conflicts through peaceful means. The often fragile characteristics of such processes and the settlements that they produce underline the essential importance of improving our understanding of the dynamics at play in transitions from war to peace. This thesis aims to contribute to this overarching objective by analysing ceasefire agreements in relation to peace processes in two protracted intrastate armed conflicts: Aceh, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka. In the scholarly literature, ceasefire agreements are often assumed to create momentum due to their ability to pave the way to a peaceful solution. At the same time, it has also been suggested that ceasefires can influence conflict dynamics in negative ways. Although there are many unanswered questions about ceasefire agreements in contemporary peace processes, few studies have been devoted to systematic and in-depth analysis of how ceasefire agreements can be characterized and analysed in relation to peace processes in protracted intrastate conflicts. This thesis, which is based on written documents and on interviews conducted during four research trips to the region, contributes to filling this research gap by presenting comparative case studies of Aceh and Sri Lanka. The point of departure in the study is a process-oriented, conflict dynamics approach and a view that war-to-peace transitions require changes in the conflicting parties’ attitudes, behaviours and relationships. I analyse and compare ceasefire agreements by looking at their initiation, form and content, and by examining their implementation and the unfolding of the processes. I identify six key factors in the literature that can influence the conflicting parties’ attitudes, behaviours and relationships. I then use these factors to analyse ceasefire agreements in relation to the dynamics of the broader peace processes. In this thesis I show how these key factors – including issues of recognition, trust, whether the parties’ claims are met, international involvement, contextual changes and intra-party dynamics – have mattered. I also show that context is important for understanding how and why they have mattered. The results suggest that ceasefire agreements can facilitate war-topeace transitions; however, it also illuminates challenges and the risk that such agreements can be counter-productive in the context of intrastate conflicts. The study also shows that ceasefire agreements have a historical legacy, as illustrated by their impact on subsequent interactions and agreements, and it underlines the symbolic politics of ceasefires in asymmetrical intrastate conflicts. The thesis ends with a number of propositions, among others that ceasefire agreements tend to become more comprehensive over time and that power struggles and developments within the conflicting parties are important for understanding ceasefire agreements in relation to contemporary peace processes.