The international community proclaims victory when a conflict-ridden state is able to get rid of the main cause of the conflict. However, all the problems of the state do not end with that victory. It rather triggers a whole new set of problems, which combined with the aftermath of the conflict, leads the country to a larger crisis. Afghanistan, after the fall of Taliban regime in 2001, faced various social, political and economic challenges that marked the beginning of a transition period that was much more challenging than the previous period. In this paper, I discuss the major problems of transition-period Afghanistan and how the handling of these problems has shaped the image of the government inside the country and outside. I look into various variables that have played leading roles in Afghanistan in the past ten years (legitimacy, corruption, and state capacity), analyze their interconnectedness, and examine the state‘s vulnerability, leading to a discussion of whether there is an immediate need for a changed approach by national leadership. I demonstrate the complex interaction of the variables in connection with their impact on economic development. Towards the end, I suggest the need for a balanced approach, including but not limited to the increase in sub- national capacity, which will involve strong leadership from the government to define and divide the functions of various actors involved in the stabilization of the country. We will see that Afghanistan‘s geographical location, its natural capacity and the international support it has been receiving provide it with immense prospect for stabilization and even development, providing that the variables analyzed in the paper are addressed.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey / An overview of trends in tribe-state relations in Afghanistan from pre-history to the present. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilizations and Societies .

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Ist Pakistan das gefährlichste Land der Welt? Jochen Hippler, ein exzellenter Kenner dieses Landes, analysiert die innenpolitische Dauerkrise. Der Staat wird immer fragiler und die Politik immer mehr durch Gewalt geprägt. Große Teile des Staatsapparates sind deformiert. Gelingt es nicht, diesen Zerfall zu stoppen, wird Pakistan mittelfristig für die Welt bedrohlicher als das krisengeschüttelte Afghanistan.

Das Pro und Contra hinsichtlich bewaffneter Drohnen für die Bundeswehr schwelte hierzulande bereits seit Längerem, als Bundesverteidigungsminister de Maizière 2012 mit einem befürwortenden Plädoyer aus der Deckung trat und solche Kampfmaschinen als „ethisch neutral“ einstufte. Inzwischen könnte – ohne Einbeziehung des Parlaments – eine Entscheidung der Bundesregierung gefallen sein. In der Antwort auf eine parlamentarische Anfrage der Linkspartei hieß es, „dass eine durchhaltefähige bewaffnete Aufklärung […] als Schutz bei plötzlich auftretenden gravierenden Lageänderungen unbedingt erforderlich ist“.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur insatsen/kriget i Afghanistan framställs på fotografisk bild i dagstidningarna Dagens Nyheter (Sverige), The Times (Storbritannien) och Politiken (Danmark). Tidningarna är ledande i respektive land och bilderna de publicerar når många läsare. För att närma oss en förståelse för hur insatsen/kriget framställs på bild i respektive tidning har vi använt oss av delfrågor som: I vilken omfattning har bilder från insatsen/kriget i Afghanistan publicerats i de tre tidningarna? Vilka teman, aktörer, källor och nationaliteter går att finna till bilderna i respektive tidning? Hur framställs soldater/civilbefolkning/elitpersoner på bild i de tre tidningarna? Finns det likheter och skillnader mellan de tre tidningarna. Undersökningen är en kombinerad kvantitativ och kvalitativ studie. Som grund har vi den kvantitativa delen för att inventera och ge en överblick över det publicerade materialet. Det visar bland annat vilka aspekter av kriget/insatsen och aktörer som förekommer och i vilken frekvens och omfattning. Den kvalitativa delen består av en bildanalys av ett urval av det kvantifierade materialet. Detta för att nå en djupare förståelse för hur kriget/insatsen och aktörerna framställs och vad de berättar för läsaren. I studien kan vi se att det finns en gemensam västerländsk framställning av insatsen där väst är hjälten och afghanska befolkningen är offer som behöver räddas vilket tyder på en övergripande västerländsk nyhetsdiskurs. Det finns dock en viss skillnad i framställningen av hjälterollen för den danska, svenska och brittiska soldaten i respektive nations tidning, något som visar hur hjältesoldaten anpassas till en nationell nyhetsdiskurs och ideologi.

Globally, research has shown that media coverage of illicit drug issues can play an important role in influencing public opinion and shaping drug policies. However, in Afghanistan, the world’s largest opium producer, very little is known about the media coverage of illicit drug issues. Afghan media, especially radio and television have developed dramatically during the past 11 years. Using the theories of agenda setting and framing, this study explored what drug-related topics were covered in the Afghan news media; how were these topics covered; how were the health and social consequences of drug abuse depicted in the media; and how much time was devoted to drug related topics in the media. Employing content analysis, the study examined primetime news coverage of the two leading media outlets: Azadi Radio and Tolo Television from 1st March 2011 until 31st July 2011. This thesis found the following types of imbalances in Afghan media reporting on illicit drug issues: 1) media reports on drug issues were heavily focused on supply reduction issues (81%) while paying considerably less attention to drug demand reduction issues (19%); 2) media predominantly framed illicit drugs as a law enforcement issue (83%) with only 15% of the paragraphs in the sample framing illicit drug as a public health problem; 3) media reporting on illicit drugs heavily relied on official sources (79%) lacking voices of the public health practitioners and drug addicts; 4) media coverage of illicit drug issues was heavily centered in Kabul (56%) with considerably less reporting from southern Afghanistan, which is the largest opium producing region. This study, which is presumably the first of its kind, provides media organizations, policy makers, and public health officials with a broad picture on the drug-related information available to the public on the leading Afghan news outlets. In addition, it serves as a basis for future research on media coverage of illicit drug issues in Afghanistan.

Ce mémoire vise à démontrer que le concept de Taliban est socialement construit en Occident et qu'il ne correspond pas à la réalité culturelle du sud de l'Afghanistan. L'Armée du mullah Omar est un mouvement politique qui trouve sa source dans la culture pachtoune et par conséquent ses objectifs, ses moyens et ses coutumes proviennent plus de cette culture que d'un islamisme radical. Cette recherche résume une partie des travaux ethnographiques faits sur les Pachtounes afin d'y exposer le contexte culturel duquel émerge l'Armée du mullah Omar. L'histoire de ce mouvement politique est aussi abordée en fonction d'une perspective culturelle. Une analyse propositionnelle du discours est effectuée sur un corpus de textes médiatiques afin de démontrer que le concept de Taliban est socialement construit en Occident sans vraiment prendre en considération les spécificités de la culture pachtoune. La théorie de la construction sociale est utilisée par la suite pour comprendre comment et pourquoi le concept de Taliban s'est construit, et les effets produits par cette représentation pour les Occidentaux. Cette recherche démontre aussi que le concept de Taliban permet de justifier la guerre au terrorisme en Afghanistan en les diabolisant comme des islamistes extrémistes. La construction sociale des Talibans permet aussi aux Occidentaux de renforcer leur identité en se définissant par opposition à ce construit. L'absence de considérations à propos de la culture pachtoune pour comprendre les Talibans est aussi manifeste dans les objectifs politiques visés par les pays occidentaux en Afghanistan. La marge ontologique entre ce qui est en soi existant en Afghanistan et ce qui est désiré et voulu en Occident est telle que la mission, telle que formulée présentement, a peu de chance d'atteindre ses objectifs.

Can the success of the Sunni Awakening in Iraq be applied to other counter-insurgency conflicts, or is it an exemplary case? Using case studies including Iraq and Afghanistan, it will be examined whether or not militias can be can be used to fight counterinsurgency campaigns in Afghanistan and generally to other conflicts. It may not work in Afghanistan, and certainly presents a Catch-22 situation, but it may be applicable in certain situations in other conflicts under certain conditions.

One of the big challenges for the European Union today lies in finding a common foreign policy for its 27 sovereign member states with their divided interests, experiences and traditions. New objectives set requirements on the Union to develop and intensify its military ability. The European Union´s view on when military force can be utilized sets concepts like sovereignty and intervention in focus. Can sovereignty be limited and if so can an intervention be justified? How did the Union argue regarding its participation in the intervention in Afghanistan, 2001? The Just War Theory gives the essay a normative framework against which to assess the Union´s view and guidelines for the use of military capabilities. An idea and ideology analysis examines the relevant documents and materials, and furthermore places them in their social context with the help of a critical discourse. The involvement in Afghanistan 2001 serves as a practical example of the Union´s foreign policy in matters of military force and its use. The European Union is shown to follow the Just War Theory and its criteria regarding sovereignty and just interventions. The practical definition adopted in Afghanistan also seems consistent with the theory´s framework.