One of the big challenges for the European Union today lies in finding a common foreign policy for its 27 sovereign member states with their divided interests, experiences and traditions. New objectives set requirements on the Union to develop and intensify its military ability. The European Union´s view on when military force can be utilized sets concepts like sovereignty and intervention in focus. Can sovereignty be limited and if so can an intervention be justified? How did the Union argue regarding its participation in the intervention in Afghanistan, 2001? The Just War Theory gives the essay a normative framework against which to assess the Union´s view and guidelines for the use of military capabilities. An idea and ideology analysis examines the relevant documents and materials, and furthermore places them in their social context with the help of a critical discourse. The involvement in Afghanistan 2001 serves as a practical example of the Union´s foreign policy in matters of military force and its use. The European Union is shown to follow the Just War Theory and its criteria regarding sovereignty and just interventions. The practical definition adopted in Afghanistan also seems consistent with the theory´s framework.

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This essay aims to explore the development of the common foreign and security policy within the European Union as well as the recent addition of the post of High representative in the field of the common foreign and security policy. This essay will attempt to achieve this trough exploring the questions; how have the aim of the European foreign policy developed, how the forms of cooperation has within this field developed and finally what impact will the recent addition of a high representative for the common foreign and security have. My aim is to answer these questions with the help of neo-functionalism. The results that came out of this essay point to the direction that the neo- functionalist premise about spill over effects and the notion about increased supranational influence turn out to have some validity in them. The study has shown that during the time the cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy have developed it is possible to see that supranational institutions will gain influence when the scope of integration within a policy area widens and deepens.

<p>This essay aims to explore the development of the common foreign and security policy within the European Union as well as the recent addition of the post of High representative in the field of the common foreign and security policy. This essay will attempt to achieve this trough exploring the questions; how have the aim of the European foreign policy developed, how the forms of cooperation has within this field developed and finally what impact will the recent addition of a high representative for the common foreign and security have. My aim is to answer these questions with the help of neo-functionalism.</p><p>The results that came out of this essay point to the direction that the neo- functionalist premise about spill over effects and the notion about increased supranational influence turn out to have some validity in them. The study has shown that during the time the cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy have developed it is possible to see that supranational institutions will gain influence when the scope of integration within a policy area widens and deepens.</p>

<p>Syftet med vår uppsats är att undersöka diskursen om utrikespolitik ur ett svenskt perspektiv. I uppsatsen undersöker vi hur svenska politiker diskuterar dagens och framtidens svenska utrikespolitik. Studien bygger på intervjuer med sju av ledamöterna i riksdagens utrikesutskott. I analysen av dessa ledamöters utsagor utgår vi från ett diskursanalytiskt perspektiv och använder diskursteorin som verktyg. Svensk utrikespolitik har i historien ofta förknippats med neutralitetstänkande och främjandet av värderingar såsom mänskliga rättigheter och nedrustning. I och med utvecklingen av en gemensam utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik för Europa pågår dock en diskussion om vad svensk utrikespolitik är idag. Likaså pågår idag en akademisk debatt om hur utrikespolitik ska förstås i en alltmer internationaliserad värld. Till följd av detta är vår studie av svenska politikers föreställningar om utrikespolitik i allra högsta grad befogad.</p><p>Vi konstaterar i vår studie att både enighet och meningsskiljaktigheter förekommer i den diskurs om utrikespolitik som de intervjuade ledamöterna ger uttryck för. Under våra intervjuer framkom framförallt att utrikespolitik definieras som relationer mellan stater och staters rätt att bedriva utrikespolitik motiverades med hänvisning till att medborgarna i en stat har en gemensam identitet. Det blev också tydligt att grupptillhörighet ofta uppfattades påverka det europeiska utrikespolitiska samarbetet. Sammanfattningsvis kan vi alltså konstatera att ett djupt rotat identitetstänkande tycks vara tongivande för synen på utrikespolitik.</p> / <p>The purpose of our essay is to investigate the discourse of foreign policy from a Swedish perspective. In this essay we explore how Swedish politicians discuss the Swedish foreign policy of today and of the future. The study is based on interviews with seven members of The Advisory Council on Foreign Affairs of the Swedish Riksdag. The point of departure for our analysis of these members’ narratives is discourse analysis and discourse theory. In history Swedish foreign policy has been associated with neutrality and the work for important values such as human rights and disarmament. However, as a consequence of the development of a common foreign and security policy for Europe, there is a debate concerning what Swedish foreign policy is today. Furthermore, there is today an academic debate about how foreign policy is to be understood in a more and more internationalized world. This makes our study of the understanding of foreign policy of Swedish politicians highly legitimate.</p><p>In our study we show that both unity and difference of opinion is present in the discourse of foreign policy that the interviewees give voice to. During our interviews we found that foreign policy was defined as relations between states and that the right of states to pursue foreign policy was commonly seen as derived from the thought that citizens of a state share a common identity. During the interviews it also became obvious that feelings of belonging to a certain group were thought to affect European foreign policy cooperation. To sum up the results of our study we conclude that a deeply rooted sense of identity seem to be very influential when it comes to the understanding of foreign policy.</p>

Många hävdar att terrordåden i USA den 11 september 2001 förändrade världen. Efter dessahändelser har det i Sverige förts en debatt om hotet från terrorism och hur detta hot kan förståsoch hanteras. Av debatten kan man tolka att samhället i många stycken verkar ha en bristandeberedskap och förmåga att hantera detta hot och att de politiska åtgärderna visar tecken på bådeutredning, traditionell retorik och solidaritet med USA och det övriga världssamfundet i desskamp mot terrorismen. Kan en kamp mot terrorismen vinnas eller föder kampen i sig bara nyterrorism? Den här uppsatsen undersöker vilka säkerhetspolitiska mål och medel som Sverigeinom ramen för EU har formulerat efter den 11 september 2001. Med anledning av att EU idecember 2003 antog en nya säkerhetsstrategi kan en ytterligare brytpunkt när det gällereuropeisk säkerhetspolitik möjligen skönjas. Undersökningen görs därför fram till den 31december 2003. Resultaten redovisas som svar på två frågeställningar om kärnpunkterna när detgäller mål och medel och hur dessa har utvecklats över tiden. Jag prövar även om slutsatserna ommål och medel kan förklaras utifrån Ian Manners teori om EU:s normativa bas. Avslutningsvisför jag en fri kritisk diskussion avseende undersökningsresultatet.Välkommen! / Many scientists argue that the terrorist attacks on 11 September changed theworld. After these attacks there was also a debate in Sweden about the threatsof terrorism and how to deal with it. According to this debate, it is quite clearthat society has limited capabilities and that the political actions taken werebased on analyses, traditional rhetoric as well as on solidarity with the US andthe rest of the international community in the war on terrorism. Can a war onterrorism be won or does the war itself give birth to new terrorism?This essay examines the Swedish security policy comprising aimsand means from 11 September 2001, within the framework of the EuropeanUnion. Due to fact that the European Union signed a new security strategy inDecember 2003, the investigation is extended to 31 December 2003. Theconclusion of this essay is the result of answering two principal questions aboutaims and means and their development over the time studied. I also test if theaims and means could be explained by Ian Manner’s theory on the EuropeanUnion’s normative basis. In conclusion, I present a free discussion about theexamined results. Welcome! / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-uppsHylla: Upps. ChP 02-04

The process of building the identity of the European union in the world is constantly ongoing. The common foreign and security policy of the union conveys the purpose of the external actions of the EU, led by the foreign policy chief. Hence, the role that the union is ascribed by the foreign policy chief is of great interest to foreign policy analysis. The purpose of the study is to investigate the differences in role conception of the EU between two EU foreign policy chiefs: Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini. The study applies Holsti’s theory of national role conception, which was developed to suit leaders of countries. The study is an exploratory, comparative case study applying qualitative content analysis on official speeches. The quotes expressing different role conceptions were sorted into different role categories, followed by a comparison within each role category between the foreign policy chiefs. The result of the study indicates Ashton standing out by perceiving EU’s role to be an active actor in neighbourhood of the union, as well as the importance of economic aspects in EU’s external role. Mogherini is distinctive by emphasizing the importance of the EU ensuring the security of the union. The signification of this study’s result is proving Holsti’s theory being applicable beyond countries - this time on the EU. Demonstrating differences in role conception of the two foreign policy chiefs, also shows that the role that the union is ascribed by the foreign policy chief differs depending on who is holding the position in question. One out of many hypotheses that can be formulated in order to explain the demonstrated differences in role conception, is the leader’s background in countries with differing views of the EU. To test this hypothesis as well as formulating others, further research is welcome.

Med anledning av den förändrade säkerhetsmiljön i Europa startade en process som syftade till att öka samarbetet inom säkerhets- och försvarsområdet inom EU. Detta försvarssamarbete kallas det Permanenta strukturerade samarbetet (Pesco) och innebär ett mer upptrappat och konkret militärt samarbete än tidigare inom EU. Genom ett medlemskap i Pesco förbinder sig medlemmarna till att mer intensivt utveckla sin egen försvarskapacitet inom forskning och anskaffning av försvarsmateriel, men även att uppbringa och bibehålla en stark försvarsbudget. Vidare ska även medlemstater bidra med stridsgrupper i beredskap för insatser inom EU:s ram. Hur kan vi förstå logiken i att Sverige ingår med i ett mer bindande försvarssamarbete som Pesco. Syftet med denna studie är att identifiera bakomliggande drivkrafter för att förstå varför Sverige beslutade att ingå i Pesco. Denna fallstudie har nyttjat ett teoretiskt perspektiv som utgått ifrån Graham Allisons konceptuella modeller för att identifiera dessa bakomliggande drivkrafter. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys studeras materialet i denna fallstudie bestående av regeringens proposition gällande deltagande i Pesco, Försvarsutskottets betänkande gällande Pesco och förvarspolitisk inriktning 2016-2020. För att komplettera textmaterialet har även mailintervjuer genomförts med strategiskt utvalda informanter i form av riksdagsledamöter och stabsofficerare i Försvarsmakten. Studiens slutsatser påvisar att de bakomliggande drivkrafterna för beslutet var flera. Den främsta drivkraften var att Sverige sedan tidigare ratificerat EU:s solidaritetsklausul och uttalat en solidaritetsförklaring gentemot övriga medlemstater i EU. Genom att ingå i Pesco förväntas det öka Sveriges trovärdighet som medlemsstat i EU. En ytterligare drivkraft var att ingå i Pesco i ett tidigt skede i syfte att forma samarbetet och ha inflytande i den riktning som Sverige anser var förenliga med militär alliansfrihet, samt att fortsatt driva den mellanstatliga prägel som samarbetet nu innehar. En drivkraft var också att bygga upp det nationella försvaret, öka den operativa förmågan och stärka totalförsvaret genom försvarssamarbetet. En majoritet av Riksdagens partier var överens om Sveriges ingående i Pesco, detta på grund av tidigare beslutad Försvarsinriktningsperiod 2016-2020 som också var en bärande drivkraft till varför Sverige valde att ingå i Pesco. / In response to the changing security environment in Europe a process started aimed at increasing cooperation in the security and defence area within the EU. This defence cooperation is called the Permanent structured cooperation (Pesco) and means a more gradual and substantial military cooperation than before in the EU. Through a membership in Pesco, the members commit to more intensively develop of its own defence capabilities in research and acquisition of defence equipment, but also to obtain and maintain a strong defence budget. In addition, the member states should also contribute with battle groups ready for military missions within the framework of the EU. How can we understand the logic of Sweden joining more binding defence cooperation like Pesco. The purpose of this study is to identify the underlying driving forces to understand why Sweden decided to join Pesco. This case study uses a theoretical perspective based on Graham Allison's conceptual models to achieve this purpose. Through a qualitative text analysis, the data that is studied in this case study consisting of Swedish government proposition and Defence committee report regarding Pesco and Defence bill 2016-2020. In order to widen the study, mail interviews were conducted with strategically selected informants. Those were members of the Swedish parliament and staff officers in the Swedish Armed Forces. The study concludes that the underlying driving forces for the decision were several. The main driving force was that Sweden previously ratified the EU solidarity clause and stated a declaration of solidarity in relation to other member states of the EU. By joining Pesco is also expected to boost Sweden's credibility as a member state of the EU. An additional driving force was to join Pesco at an early stage in order to forge cooperation and have influence in the direction in which Sweden considers compatible with own military nonalignment, and also to continue to drive the intergovernmental nature that Pesco now holds. An additional driving force was also building up the national defence, increase the operational capacity and strengthen the armed forces through the defence cooperation. A majority of the parliamentary parties agreed on joining Pesco because of the previously decided defence bill 2016-2020, which also considers as a driving force for why Sweden chose to join Pesco.

Kalla krigets slut innebar helt förändrade säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningar för de flesta stater. Då var världen uppdelad i två tydliga block med två styrande supermakter i ständig dragkamp medan vi idag har en annan verklighet med många olika allianser och asymmetriska hot av olika slag. Denna säkerhetspoltiska omdaning har också påverkat det vetenskapliga studiet av internationella relationer och framförallt under 90-talet deklarerade flera forskare det liberala perspektivets seger över realismen.  Denna uppsats är en fallstudie som tittar närmare på Europeiska unionens första marina insats, EUNAVFOR - Operation Atalanta och särskilt på Sveriges deltagande i den samma. Syftet är att söka efter de motiv som läggs fram för insatsen i såväl FNs resolutioner som EUs och Sveriges riksdags beslut för att sedan analysera dessa utifrån de två grundläggande vetenskapliga perspektiven inom internationella relationer.  Studien visar att sanningen ligger någonstans mitt emellan dessa två motsatta perspektiv. Båda förhållningsätten innebär ett antal antaganden och förenklingar vilka leder till blinda fläckar i studien och först när man ställer dem emot varandra framkommer helheten. Sveriges deltagande i operation Atalanta kan alltså förklaras av både strikt nationella motiv och av ett delat ansvar inom världssamfundet. / The end of the Cold War meant fundamentally changed conditions for policymaking in security matters for most states. Before, the world was divided between two blocks with two ruling superpowers in a constant tug-of-war, whiles we today have another reality with many different alliances and asymmetric threats of different kinds. This security transformation have also affected the academic study of international relations and in particular during the 90th many scholars declared the victory of the liberal perspective over realism. This thesis is a case study of the European Unions first naval operation, EUNAVFOR – Operation Atalanta and in particular the Swedish participation in this operation. The purpose of the study is to look for the motives in the decisions on different levels, from the UN security council, to the EU council and the Swedish parliament, and to analyze those motives according to the to major perspectives in IR-studies.  The thesis show that truth lies somewhere in between this two opposing perspectives. Both viewpoints result in a number of assumptions and simplifications that lead to blind spots in the study. Not until the two perspectives are compared with each other the whole picture will emerge. Sweden’s participation in operation Atalanta can be explained both with strictly national motives and with a concept of shared responsibility within the international community.

Syftet med vår uppsats är att undersöka diskursen om utrikespolitik ur ett svenskt perspektiv. I uppsatsen undersöker vi hur svenska politiker diskuterar dagens och framtidens svenska utrikespolitik. Studien bygger på intervjuer med sju av ledamöterna i riksdagens utrikesutskott. I analysen av dessa ledamöters utsagor utgår vi från ett diskursanalytiskt perspektiv och använder diskursteorin som verktyg. Svensk utrikespolitik har i historien ofta förknippats med neutralitetstänkande och främjandet av värderingar såsom mänskliga rättigheter och nedrustning. I och med utvecklingen av en gemensam utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik för Europa pågår dock en diskussion om vad svensk utrikespolitik är idag. Likaså pågår idag en akademisk debatt om hur utrikespolitik ska förstås i en alltmer internationaliserad värld. Till följd av detta är vår studie av svenska politikers föreställningar om utrikespolitik i allra högsta grad befogad. Vi konstaterar i vår studie att både enighet och meningsskiljaktigheter förekommer i den diskurs om utrikespolitik som de intervjuade ledamöterna ger uttryck för. Under våra intervjuer framkom framförallt att utrikespolitik definieras som relationer mellan stater och staters rätt att bedriva utrikespolitik motiverades med hänvisning till att medborgarna i en stat har en gemensam identitet. Det blev också tydligt att grupptillhörighet ofta uppfattades påverka det europeiska utrikespolitiska samarbetet. Sammanfattningsvis kan vi alltså konstatera att ett djupt rotat identitetstänkande tycks vara tongivande för synen på utrikespolitik. / The purpose of our essay is to investigate the discourse of foreign policy from a Swedish perspective. In this essay we explore how Swedish politicians discuss the Swedish foreign policy of today and of the future. The study is based on interviews with seven members of The Advisory Council on Foreign Affairs of the Swedish Riksdag. The point of departure for our analysis of these members’ narratives is discourse analysis and discourse theory. In history Swedish foreign policy has been associated with neutrality and the work for important values such as human rights and disarmament. However, as a consequence of the development of a common foreign and security policy for Europe, there is a debate concerning what Swedish foreign policy is today. Furthermore, there is today an academic debate about how foreign policy is to be understood in a more and more internationalized world. This makes our study of the understanding of foreign policy of Swedish politicians highly legitimate. In our study we show that both unity and difference of opinion is present in the discourse of foreign policy that the interviewees give voice to. During our interviews we found that foreign policy was defined as relations between states and that the right of states to pursue foreign policy was commonly seen as derived from the thought that citizens of a state share a common identity. During the interviews it also became obvious that feelings of belonging to a certain group were thought to affect European foreign policy cooperation. To sum up the results of our study we conclude that a deeply rooted sense of identity seem to be very influential when it comes to the understanding of foreign policy.