The impetus for regional integration draws its rationale from the standard international trade theory, which states that free trade is beneficial to all. Free trade among two or more countries or preferential trade will improve the welfare of the member countries as long as the arrangement leads to a net trade creation in the Vinerian sense. The history of regional economic integration in Southern Africa (SADC) reveals that it has not yet achieved the economic benefits that are attributable to developing regions, namely: higher levels of welfare exemplified by low poverty levels, economic development and industrialisation. Regional economic integration in Southern Africa is constrained by high tariff and non-tariff barriers, archaic infrastructures and multiple memberships among different regional economic communities. A SADC-wide customs union can be successful, provided that countries are allowed to join, when their economies have adjusted and the South African Customs Union (SACU) is used as a nucleus. / Economics / M. A. (Economics)

The impetus for regional integration draws its rationale from the standard international trade theory, which states that free trade is beneficial to all. Free trade among two or more countries or preferential trade will improve the welfare of the member countries as long as the arrangement leads to a net trade creation in the Vinerian sense. The history of regional economic integration in Southern Africa (SADC) reveals that it has not yet achieved the economic benefits that are attributable to developing regions, namely: higher levels of welfare exemplified by low poverty levels, economic development and industrialisation. Regional economic integration in Southern Africa is constrained by high tariff and non-tariff barriers, archaic infrastructures and multiple memberships among different regional economic communities. A SADC-wide customs union can be successful, provided that countries are allowed to join, when their economies have adjusted and the South African Customs Union (SACU) is used as a nucleus. / Economics / M. A. (Economics)

This study analysed the effects of international trade on human development in two developing regions, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The choice of comparing SADC and ASEAN is motivated by the many similarities between both regions half a century ago, and the stark divergence of their respective development pathways which has led to different development outcomes half a century later. Annual data from 2000 to 2018 and dynamic panel data econometric techniques were used in this study, controlling for individual country characteristics, endogeneity, serial correlation, heterocedasticity and interdependencies between the countries in each region. Two estimations were done in this study; sample wide estimations and country specific estimations. In the sample wide estimations the Generalised Method of Moments of Arellano and Bover (1995) with forward orthogonal deviations, and Feasible Generalised Least Squares of Parks (1967) and Kmenta (1986) were used, whilst Swamy’s Random Coefficients were used in the country specific estimations. Trade is measured using the current account balance as a percentage of GDP, whilst human development is captured by the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI). In the sample wide estimations, the study found that trade openness enhances human development for both SADC and ASEAN as measured by the Human Development Index (HDI). Gross fixed capital formation, economic growth and technological progress all had positive effects on human development in both regions. Unemployment had a counter intuitive positive effect on human development. This raises issues on the nature and quality of employment, including concerns on cheap production labour and vulnerable employment. The ASEAN region had a higher mean level of economic growth, a trade surplus and higher level of technological progress than SADC. This is consistent with the manufacturing focus of ASEAN, compared to the primary commodity exporting nature of SADC which had a trade deficit. However, in each region there were country specific differences in terms of what drives human development. The country specific disparities in drivers of human development have implications for the regional trade and development nexus. In particular, these disparities must be considered in the conceptualization and implementation of the SADC Industrialisation and Strategy Roadmap, and the most recent African Continental Free Trade Area. The policy implication is that such regional trade agreements should accommodate countries’ specific heterogeneity as the policy pathways will differ between countries. / Business Management / D. Phil. (Management Studies)

Though the strategic importance of regional economic integration to multinational companies (MNC) has been researched extensively internationally, this concept has not been studied in South Africa. In fact, there is a growing nostalgia that with the South African Development Community (SADC) moving towards its set macroeconomic convergence targets; regional economic integration eventually leads to macroeconomic stabilisation. This ultimately becomes the root of growth in a region that has been severely affected by globalisation, financial crises, increasing government debt and budget deficit problems. This study, hence, tries to find out how the critical decisions of South African MNCs are made when operating within regional markets. Consequently, statistical econometric models were developed to test time-series data from 1980-2011 using the best (most efficient) linear unbiased estimator (BLUE) ordinary least square regression technique. An analysis was then done to investigate how South African firms have been able to gain maximum benefits by adopting the SADC as its major trading bloc in Africa. The study’s findings showed that the major barriers that impede MNCs of South African origin from penetrating these markets were custom duties, direct and indirect tariffs. It was observed that this would only be reduced by regional integration. Determined to critically interrogate the problems detailed in this research, three hypotheses were tested, analysed and subsequent interpretation of the findings revealed that South African MNCs contribute positively to regional economic growth and investment in the SADC. Furthermore, the study found out that although these factors were important, they were not the only variables that stimulated the competitiveness of South African MNCs in the SADC region. The literature review sections of this study found that the adoption of strategic management initiatives by MNCs improved the operation of transnational companies in South Africa. A comparison between the value of South African MNCs, as well as, other explanatory variables, and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of both South Africa and the SADC using time series data for the period 1980-2011 indicated that there was a positive relationship between the contribution of MNCs to South Africa’s economy and the GDP of both South Africa and the SADC. This proved that there is a significant link between MNC growth and national/regional productivity. In conclusion, the study established that the findings of the literature review were theoretically in sync with the empirical analysis. Also, the outcome of this study concurred with the findings of similar research. In essence, regional trade arrangements are an increasingly important element of the global trade environment, of which the move by South Africa’s MNCs to operate in the SADC market was a positive one. Finally, the study found out that for these firms to be successful in the international business arena, business management decisions need to be made, only after a detailed strategic analysis of the significance of regional economic integration is considered. This integrative framework certainly determines the operational efficiency, survival and profitability of most MNCs that operate within the region. / Business Management / M.Admin. (Business Management (International Business))

Situated at the heart of Africa, the DRC has been transformed into a battlefield where several African states and national armed movements are simultaneously fighting various wars. In order to achieve peace, security, and stability in the DRC, SADC intervened with the international collaboration of the UN and AU. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate SADC’s role in the DRC conflict resolution process from 1998 to 2003. A qualitative research method has been chosen and two theories, namely New Institutionalism theories and Rupesinghe’s model of conflict transformation were adopted. The research concludes that SADC military and diplomatic efforts to end the war have been positive. It is true that violence continues and peace remained fragile, but the conflict had ended. The weakness of the DRC government has allowed continued violence. As an organisation of states, SADC has not been able to do anything about this fragility. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

本論文從利益的觀點切入，研究冷戰後日本與非洲關係。透過國內因素、國際因素及國際建制三方面，研究日本對非洲政策的改變，及追求的國家利益改變。。日本與非洲交往主要在獲得兩種利益，一是政治利益，一是經濟利益，政治利益為國際威望和入常機會；經濟利益則定義為確保能源、礦產和取得海外商業發展。冷戰期間日本對非洲僅存在著經濟利益的追求，1993年第一屆東京國際非洲發展會議(Tokyo International Conference on African Development, TICAD)的召開，則代表著日本開始追求政治利益。 從國內政治權力來看，1993年的東京國際非洲發展會議，其實是外務省為了順應國際非洲援助熱潮和提升官僚地位的手段之一。90年代無論日本財界、大藏省、經濟產業省及自民黨竹下派都以亞洲為中心，態度消極，故外務省僅能提倡「南南協力」來加強日非間的經濟利益。TICAD只能說是外務省獨立運作的會議，僅能以增加無償援助和技術援助的方式，加強日非關係。2001年森喜朗(Yoshiro Mori)和小泉純一郎(Ichiro Koizumi)等為首的清和政策研究會(簡稱清和研)，勢力正式上升後，「官邸領導」的政治模式出現，首相個人重視非洲政策，於是外務省的權力也藉此勝出，舉凡大使館、JICA辦事處等數目都增加。尤其北非埃及、南非和東非衣索比亞對日本來說，政治意義特別重要。 2005年聯合國爭常失敗後，檢討過發現非洲國家日本正視到若要取得政治利益，必須加強非洲關係，於是追求政治利益開始優先經濟利益。首先從ODA分配就能發現，即使ODA預算持續減少，也未影響到非洲地區得到的分配比例，受到排擠的卻是以往日本重視的亞洲地區。另一方面，21世紀後非洲經濟成長快速，經濟成長率平均6%，財界開始對非洲發生興趣，過去「經濟大國」路線，經濟產業省追求經濟利益掛帥的經濟外交，再度出現。在貿易方面，雖然日非間的貿易型態改變不大，但2001年起，對非洲貿易就一直保持赤字，顯示日本較依賴非洲的商品。在投資方面，日本企業也逐漸增加非洲投資，除了基礎建設，服務及金融等非製造業的投資趨勢也取代以往著重製造業投資的趨勢。在援助方面，東部非洲是日本援助的重點區域，而2013年12月因為伊波拉病毒(Ebola virus)影響，日本增加對西非的援助，顯示政治利益仍然優先經濟利益。 最後，由TICAD觀察，發現在聯合國援助體制中，日本由制度追隨者逐漸成為領導者，日非正創造共同的經濟利益，但日本能否藉此創造共同的政治利益則不明朗。 / This study examines the relations between Japan and Africa in the post-Cold War era with points of profits. The author explores domestic implementation of international aid regimes in Japan to find how Japan’s policy towards Africa and its pursuited state profits have changed. Japan’s engagement with Africa mainly focuses on the pursuit of two profits. The political one is status of superpower and its bid to a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council; the economic one is the energy /resource security and its overseas business expansion. During the Cold War, Japan only pursued economic profits from Africa utill the opening of Tokyo International Conference on African Development, TICAD I in 1993, a symbol of political profits pursuing. The MOFA set up TICAD I as a forum to follow the international issues, solving African problems while maintaining its power among other departments. In 1990s, TICADs, held by the MOFA alone, provided aid and technical assistance to maintain Japan-Africa partnership. The MOFA also promoted the South-South Cooperration to gain economic profits while businessmen, beaurocrats in the MOF and the METI as well as the FDP politicians were Asia-centric and uninterested in Africa. When SEIWAKEN, led by Ichiro Koizumi, got strong in 2001, a politician-led government was formed. Whenever the prime minister turned his attention towards Africa, the power of the MOFA outweighs others, as the number of ambassadors and JICA offices in Africa increased. Some African countries, like Egypt, South Africa and Ethiopia are politically important to Japan. Failure to bid for a permanent seat on the UNSC in 2005 made Japan realize that it should stengthen its partnership with Africa if it tries to gain political profits. Political profits became Japan’s priority. First, the ODA allocation showed that, compared to decreasing one in Asia, the share in Africa has never decreased even though the budget is shrinking on the whole. On the contrary, Economy in Africa is soaring with an average of 6% since the 21st centur, which attracts business investments. Economic Giant Policy which the METI once promoted to pursue economic profits came to life again. The trade pattern between Japan and Africa doesn’t change much; however, Japan relies on Africa’s resource for sure since its trade with Africa became deficit in 2001. Japan’s FDI to Africa grow. Investments in non-manufacture like fundamentals, service and financial industry are much more than those in manufacture. Besides, Japan’s humanitarian aid increase in Western Africa also shows its priority in political profits. Until the Ebola virus offbreak in December 2013, Japan’s most foreign aid was sent to Eastern Africa. It can be concluded from the TICADs that Japan is transcending from follower to a leader in United Nations aid regime. Japan and Africa are economically beneficial. However, it is not clear if they will be politically beneficial profits in the future.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores inter-regional relations between SADC and Mercosur. The central problem posed at the outset is "Why should relations between SADC and Mercosur be pursued?" In this problem there exists two separate questions, each one dealing with the regions at hand. The first question asks whether Mercosur is a viable partner in the global political economy and if so, "What possible options are made available through a partnership with Mercosur in the future?" The second question focuses on the Southern African region and addresses concerns surrounding SADC as Mercosur's option for a partner in Africa. These problems are analysed in the context of the global political economy from the perspective of regionalisation, considering the increased interest and attention this phenomenon is currently receiving in international relations. This study therefore addresses both bilateral and multilateral implications associated with SADC-Mercosur relations, with the importance of market liberalisation as well as the effects of regional integration on the process of globalisation kept in mind. A descriptive and analytical approach is employed throughout the study. This methodology provides a concise description of both regions. It also allows the study and research to take place on different levels of analysis, looking at the problem from a country-to-country, country-to-region and region-to-region perspective. These levels are extended to include bilateral and multilateral opportunities for the parties involved. In applying this descriptive methodology various characteristics and attributes of each region are looked at, identifying benefits a regional bloc like Mercosur holds in terms of market size and level of regional development. Various other areas are studied, which explores possible future opportunities for both SA DC and Mercosur through improved south-south co-operation. Statistical data is used to further illustrate certain arguments raised and findings made. The study clearly reveals a broad number of benefits available through enhanced SADCMercosur relations. Mercosur holds an immense amount of future potential that would be of great importance in maintaining a sustainable position for developing economies in the future. There are however a number of difficulties too. These emanate primarily from SADC and therefore cast a great deal of doubt on SADC's ability to enter into a partnership with Mercosur. Considering the current situation, a more viable option would be SACU. But this option should be pursued with the intention of bringing the rest of SADC on board in the not too distant future. SADC's shear size and status in Southern Africa is a drawing card in developing south-south co-operation. It would be ideal to develop relations between SADC and Mercosur in a truly inter-regional fashion and possibly even a transatlantic FTA further down the line. This is a vision that should always be on the agenda when pursuing relations with Mercosur. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die inter-streeksverhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur. Vanuit die staanspoor word die vraag, "Waarom behoort verhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur nagestreefte word?" gevra. Die studie spreek binne hierdie verband met twee sub-vrae. Die eerste vraag vra of Mercosur 'n lewensvatbare vennoot in the globale politieke ekonornie is en indien weI, "Watter opsies word vir die toekoms gegenereer deur 'n vennootskap met Mercosur." Die tweede vraag fokus op Suidelike Afrika en spreek kwessies rakende SADC as Mercosur se keuse vir 'n vennoot in Afrika aan. Binne die konteks van die globale politieke ekonomie word bogenoemde probleme vanuit 'n streeksperspektief geanaliseer, gegewe die toenemende aandag wat die regionalisasie verskynsel tans in internasionale betrekkinge geniet. Hierdie studie spreek gevolglik beide die bilaterale en multilaterale implikasies van SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge aan, terwyl die belangrikheid van markliberalisering asook die gevolg van streeksintegrasie vir die globaliseringsproses in gedagte gehou word. Die studie volg deurgaans 'n beskrywende en analitiese benadering. Daardeur word navorsing op verskiIIende vlakke van analise moontlik gemaak deur die probleem vanuit 'n land-tot-land, land-tot-streek en streek-tot-streek perspektiefte beskou. Deur die fokus op hierdie vlakke word die bilaterale en multilaterale geleenthede vir die betrokke partye geidentifiseer. Deur middel van 'n beskrywende metodologie word die eienskappe en potensiaal van beide streke uitgelig, veral met betrekking tot markgrootte en streeksontwikkeling. Teen die agtergrond van verbeterde suid-suid samewerking word ander areas ook bestudeer, met die oog op moontlike toekomstige geleenthede vir SADC en Mercosur. Statistiese data word deurgaans gebruik om sekere argumente en bevindings toe te lig. Die studie bevind dat uitgebreide SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge etlike voordele inhou. Mercosur hou groot belofte in vir ontwikkelende ekonorniee. Daar is egter ook probleme binne SADC en plaas dit 'n vraagteken oor SADC se vermoe om 'n vennootskap met Mercosur aan te gaan. 'n Meer realistiese opsie sal 'n vennootskap met SACU wees. Maar hierdie opsie behoort nagestreef te word met die oog op die spoedige insluiting van SADC. Die blote grootte en status van SADC is 'n belangrike faktor in die uitbreiding van suid-suid samewerking. Dit sou ideaal wees om verhoudinge tussen SADC en Mercosur tot op 'n ware interstreekse vlak te ontwikkel met die moontlikheid van 'n toekomstige transatlantiese vrye handelsooreenkoms. Hierdie visie behoort altyd in gedagte gehou te word in die nastreef van verhoudinge met Mercosur.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government in Africa is regarded not only as a threat to democratisation processes but also to peace, security and stability on the continent. The United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and various regional economic communities (RECs) have all sought to address this challenge, in what may be described as a trilateral linkage between the international, regional and sub-regional organisations. The unconstitutional change of government in Madagascar in 2009 led to the involvement of the UN, AU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Although these organisations all responded to the case of Madagascar, it cannot be assumed that they all share a common understanding of and approach to unconstitutional changes of government. This study builds upon a constructivist approach to norm development, with a particular focus upon the norm life cycle. The thesis seeks to assess if a normative approach to dealing with unconstitutional changes of government has developed within the UN, AU and SADC respectively, and if so, how? Furthermore, how have these organisations responded to such a case, with a specific focus on Madagascar? Building upon these findings, the thesis aims to assess if and how a norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government has emerged, spread and become internalised within the UN, AU and SADC. The study illustrates that the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government is particularly salient within the AU. Furthermore, and unlike many other peace and security norms, the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government seems to have emerged from the level of the AU and impacts upwards on the UN as well as downwards on SADC. These findings imply that the AU will have a prominent role in informing the approach and response to such cases on the African continent in the future. Furthermore, the normative frameworks of the UN and SADC may be developed largely as a result of and on the basis of the principles and policies of the AU. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die herlewing van ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Afrika word nie net as 'n bedreiging vir die demokratiseringsprosesse beskou nie, maar ook vir vrede, veiligheid en stabiliteit op die kontinent. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), die Afrika-Unie (AU) en verskeie streeks-ekonomiese gemeenskappe (REC's) het gepoog om hierdie uitdaging, wat beskryf kan word as ‘n driehoekskakeling tussen die internasionale, streeks- en substreek-organisasies, aan te spreek. Die ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Madagaskar in 2009 het gelei tot die betrokkenheid van die VN, AU en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings gemeenskap (SAOG). Alhoewel hierdie organisasies op die Madagaskar-saak gereageer het, kan daar nie aanvaar word dat hulle ‘n gemeenskaplike begrip van en benadering tot die ongrondwetlike verandering van regering deel nie. Hierdie studie bou op 'n konstruktivisme benadering tot die ontwikkeling van norme, met 'n spesifieke fokus op die lewensiklus van ‘n norm. Die tesis poog om te bepaal of 'n konstruktivisme benadering respektiewelik binne die VN, AU en SAOG ontwikkel het rakende ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering, en indien wel, hoe? Verder, hoe het hierdie organisasies gereageer op so 'n geval, met spesifieke fokus op Madagaskar? Met hierdie bevindinge in gedagte, sal die tesis bepaal of, en hoe, 'n norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, na vore gekom het en hoe dit versprei en binne die VN, AU en SAOG geïnternaliseer is. Hierdie studie illustreer dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, besonder opvallend is binne die AU. In teenstelling met ander vredes- en sekuriteits norme, blyk dit dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, sy oorsprong het op AU-vlak, met opwaartse trefkrag op die VN, sowel as afwaarts op SAOG. Hierdie bevindinge impliseer dat die AU in die toekoms 'n prominente rol in die benadering tot en reaksie op derglike gevalle op die Afrika-kontinent, sal hê. Verder kan die normatiewe raamwerke van die VN en SAOG moontlik hoofsaaklik ontwikkel as gevolg van die basis van beginsels en beleid wat deur die AU neergelê word. / Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is generally recognised that diversity of laws may act as a barrier to the development of trade, both at international and regional level. In a globalised era, trade is necessary for economic development and ultimately for the alleviation of poverty. Although the WTO has done extensive work towards the removal of tariff barriers, there is also a need to focus on addressing non-tariff barriers which include legal barriers to trade. Institutionalised legal harmonisation at an international level has provided the necessary impetus for the development of harmonised laws in the area of international trade. The creation of regional economic communities within the purview of the WTO has also given rise to the necessity of legal harmonisation to facilitate intra-regional trade. A number of regional economic communities and organisations have noted legal harmonisation as one of their areas of regional cooperation. This study focuses on the need to harmonise the law of international sale within the SADC region in order to facilitate cross-border trade. The study points out that the harmonisation of sales laws in SADC is important for the facilitation of both inter-regional and intra-regional trade with the aim of fostering regional integration, economic development and alleviating poverty. Although the necessity of harmonising sales laws has been identified, no effort to this end exists currently in the SADC region. This study addresses the mechanisms by which such harmonisation could be achieved by analysing three models which have been selected for this purpose, namely the CISG, the OHADA and the proposed CESL. The main issues addressed include whether SADC Member States should adopt the CISG, join OHADA, emulate the CESL or should use any of the other instruments as a model for creating a harmonised sales law for SADC. In conclusion, it is observed that SADC has its own institutional and operational mechanisms that require a process and instrument tailor-made for the unique needs of the region. It is recommended that SADC should create its own common sales law based on the CISG but taking into account lessons learnt from both the OHADA system and the CESL. A number of legislative, institutional and operational transformative and reform mechanisms are recommended to enable the creation of such a community law and ensure its uniform application and interpretation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dit word algemeen aanvaar dat regsdiversiteit die ontwikkeling van internasionale en regionale handel kan strem. In 'n geglobaliseerde ekonomie is internasionale handel noodsaaklik vir ekonomiese onwikkeling en die uiteindelike verligting van armoede. Alhoewel die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie reeds belangrike werk doen om handelsbeperkinge te verlig, is daar ook 'n behoefte om, afgesien van tariewe, ook ander nie-tarief beperkinge op internasionale handel aan te spreek. Regsdiversiteit is een van hierdie beperkinge. Geïnstitusionaliseerde regsharmonisering op 'n internasionale vlak het reeds elders die nodige stukrag verleen vir die harmonisering van die reg van toepassing op internasionale handel. Die totstandkoming van regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe binne die raamwerk van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie noodsaak egter verdere regsharmonisering ten einde inter-regionale handel te kan bevorder. 'n Aantal streeksgemeenskappe en –organisasies hanteer reeds regsharmonisering as een van hul areas van samewerking op streeksvlak. Hierdie studie fokus op die behoefte om die internasionale koopreg binne die SAOG streek te harmoniseer ten einde oorgrenshandel te fasiliteer. Die studie toon aan dat harmonisering van die koopreg in die SAOG belangrik is ten einde beide inter-regionale asook intra-regionale handel te fasiliteer met die oog op die bevordering van streeksintegrasie, ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die verligting van armoede. Alhoewel die noodsaaklikheid van 'n geharmoniseerde koopreg geïdentifiseer is, is daar nog geen poging aangewend om dit binne die SAOG streek te bewerkstellig nie. Die studie spreek die meganismes aan waardeur harmonisering bereik kan word deur drie modelle wat vir hierdie doeleindes gekies is te ondersoek, naamlik die Internasionale Koopkonvensie (CISG), OHADA en die voorgestelde gemeenskaplike koopreg-regime van die Europese Unie (CESL). Van die kwessies wat aangespreek word is of the SAOG lidlande die Internasionale Koopkonvensie moet aanneem, by OHADA moet aansluit, alternatiewelik die Europese koopreg of enige van die ander instrumente as model gebruik vir die skep van ‟n geharmoniseerde SAOG koopreg. Ten slotte word daarop gewys dat die SAOG sy eie institusionele en operasionele meganismes het wat vereis dat die proses en instrument pas gemaak moet word vir die streek se unieke behoeftes. Dit word aanbeveel dat die SAOG sy eie gemeenskaplike koopreg moet skep wat op die CISG geskoei is, maar wat ook die lesse geleer uit die OHADA en die EU in ag neem. Ten einde so 'n gemeenskapsreg te kan skep en die uniforme toepassing en interpretasie daarvan te verseker, word 'n aantal wetgewende, institusionele en operasionele hervormingsmeganismes aan die hand gedoen.