Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.

Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.

The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.

Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper pays particular attention to the EAC because of its unique composition of four LDCs46 and 1 DC47 and the fact that three of these countries are landlocked least developed countries (LLDCs).48 The EAC was notified as a RTA to the WTO under the Enabling Clause on 9 October 2000 and registered as a Custom Union49 under WT/COMTD/N/14.50 The notification of the EAC under the Enabling Clause is due to the nature of composition of members therein and to the fact that the Enabling Clause does not require regional trading arrangements to cover substantially all trade, or to achieve free trade in the bloc within ten years after notification. Additionally, it provides an avenue for giving special consideration to the LDCs through making concessions and contributions,51 allows automatic exemptions from MFN (non-discrimination) treatment in favour of DCs,52 and thus allows other WTO members to accord more favourable treatment to DCs in many cases without according the same treatment to other WTO members.53. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM

Magister Legum - LLM

This dissertation examines the role of government policies in attracting the foreign direct investment (FDI) to SADC countries. To achieve this, the study uses econometric, statistical, and thematic methods within a panel data context and explores means through which SADC countries can attract the FDI. The study covered a panel of 15 SADC countries over the period 1980–2018. FDI is associated with several benefits, particularly in the less developed countries for their investment purposes. However, these less developed countries – including SADC member countries – encounter challenges of attracting FDI despite having abundant natural resources and proposing various regulatory reforms to liberalise their economies. The empirical approach suggested several ways through which a country can attract FDI. The study found that FDI in SADC is not entirely driven by the presence of natural resources but by other determining factors such as the infrastructure development and economic growth, which proved to be paramount in attracting FDI. Therefore, the study recommends that SADC should not only adopt structural policy reforms that potentially improve trade openness, but also adopt strategic infrastructure development. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

The design of a country’s tax system is important because of the critical role played by taxation in financing public spending towards economic and social development. In this regard, there is need to enhance the understanding of whether current tax systems in the SADC provide sufficient tax revenue to meet public spending needs. This study provides empirical evidence on the outcomes of existing tax systems in the SADC with the aim of offering a basis for normative evaluation of the regions’ tax policies. Literature posits that there are numerous economic and institutional factors that limit the amount of taxes that a country can actually raise. Against this background, the substantive aim of this study was to assess the determinants of tax capacity and tax effort in the SADC in view of providing a pragmatic approach to tax policy design. The methodology of this study involved the use of both quantitative and qualitative analysis (mixed methods approach) where the latter was used to augment the findings of the former. The first phase involved the use of a multi-step procedure to estimate determinants of tax capacity and tax effort using stochastic tax function and unbalanced panel data for 13 SADC countries. The study disentangled the error term to estimates the random-effects separately from tax effort in order to capture the time- invariant country-specific effects. Further, tax effort was classified persistent (long-run) and transient (short-run). The study was able to estimate the determinants of tax effort and to rank each member state according to its tax effort. The second phase involves a narrative analysis of tax legislation in the SADC over the period 2002-2016. The study used budget statements and Acts of parliament as the major sources of information to identify significant changes in tax legislation over this period. The findings of the quantitative analysis indicate that financial deepening, economic development and trade openness influence tax capacity, while corruption and inflation influence tax effort. In addition, the findings show that the region has low persistent tax effort than transient tax effort, implying that improving tax administration has superseded tax policy reforms. This result is augmented by the narrative record which seemingly shows that tax legislation efforts were largely successful in tax administration but rather limited in view of tax policy. In this regard, the study recommends that tax policy design should be informed by the conditions of a country and policy considerations relating to peculiar circumstances to obtain robust tax policies. / Economics / D. Com. (Economics)

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / After the democratic elections of 1994, the South African government embarked on radical reforms to the apartheid education system, which included the development of a policy that is committed to human rights and social justice. The inclusive education policy, entitled: Education White Paper 6: Special Needs Education: Building an Inclusive Education and Training System (Department of Education, 2001) was released in July 2001. This inclusive education policy brought with it the prospect of changing the structures that promoted exclusionary and discriminatory practices in the education system. While the inclusive education framework is characterised by explicit policy directives, well-defined outcomes and a firm commitment to human rights and social justice, there is a growing realisation that a considerable gap exists between this framework and its effective implementation. The main aim of this study was to understand the factors that facilitate or constrain the implementation of inclusive education in the South African context. These factors were explored through a qualitative case study. A documentary analysis, as well as unstructured and semi-structured interviews was used to collect the data within the context of the research aims, questions, and a framework of categories, drawn from relevant literature, was used to analyse the data. The first major finding of this study was that the implementation of inclusive education policy in South Africa has been facilitated by the school communities' beliefs, values and norms relating to the inclusion of learners with disabilities. The second major fmding of this study is that the designers of the inclusive education policy underestimated the deep-seated socio-economic factors that inhibit effective learning in certain contexts. Poverty was identified as a major constraining factor in the study, followed by the complexities of the National Curriculum Statement, a lack of capacity to implement the policy, lack of support for policy implementation, and the limitations of the Education White Paper 6 itself. Given the facilitating and constraining factors emerging from this study, the recommendations made have been based on the assumption that the implementation of inclusive education policy is a worthwhile endeavour. These recommendations are proposed within three broad areas, namely policy implementation, inclusive education policy, and inclusive education practice. Of these recommendations the following are critical: • The Department of Education should develop differentiated inclusive education guidelines that address inclusion of learners in poverty stricken contexts. • The Department of Education, in conjunction with schools, should create formal and informal communication channels through which stakeholders can raise their views and concerns about the policy of inclusive education and how it should be implemented. • The Department of Education should take full responsibility for the advocacy, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of inclusive education policy, rather than relying on the services of independent providers. • The Department of Education should address the complexities that prevent districts and schools from establishing support structures.

MCOM / Department of Economics / The study aimed to empirically examine the impact of foreign direct investment on economic growth in the Southern African Development Community countries for the period 1980-2015. The relation between foreign direct investment and economic growth has been a subject of extensive discussion in the economic literature. The debate revolves around the growth implications of foreign direct investment. The extraordinary increase in global FDI flows in the last three decades triggered an interest to investigate the growth implications of such huge amounts of cross-border capital movements. Owing to this surge in foreign direct investment flows and the effort countries are putting forth to attract it, it would seem straightforward to argue that foreign direct investment would convey net positive effects on economic growth of a host country. From a theoretical standpoint foreign direct investment has been shown to boost economic growth through technology transfer and diffusion. In light of the expected benefits of foreign direct investment, many empirical studies have been conducted on this subject matter. While the explosion of foreign direct investment flows is distinctive, the evidence accumulated on the growth effects remains mixed. Using fixed effect panel data analysis, on the overall, the findings of the study show a negative effect of FDI on economic growth in the SADC countries for the period 1980 to 2015. The findings are not in tandem with theoretical predictions from growth theorists and some empirical studies carried out on the same topic. The findings of the study imply that FDI does not seem to have an independent effect on economic growth for the panel of countries in the SADC region. This maybe because FDI flows to Africa and into the SADC countries, in particular, are channelled mainly to the extractive sector with little to no linkages with the other sectors of the host country economy. The findings of the study also show that the growth-enhancing potential of FDI is higher in middle-income countries than low-income countries in the SADC region.