No abstract available / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Financial Management / unrestricted

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This thesis explores the intelligence cooperation exhibited between South Africa and Israel during the time periods of apartheid (1948-1994) and post-apartheid (1994-2015). Regime type is explored as a factor impacting on the intelligence relationship in both periods. Pertinent to the case study is the fact that South Africa and Israel’s regime type shared commonalities during the first period, but not the second. The thesis examines how these commonalities facilitated intelligence cooperation during apartheid, then turns to the question how the change in South Africa’s regime type after 1994 (whilst Israel’s remained the same) impacted on intelligence cooperation. In order to understand the significance of South Africa’s regime change on the intelligence relationship between the two states, a comprehensive theoretical framework is proposed in order to analyse how and why the internal policies of the two states redirected their intelligence relationship. Within this thesis, the concept of regime type is not used in a conventional way, it is framed through a constructivist notion that includes a focus on identity and how this shapes the two states’ intelligence bureaucratic behaviour. This constructivist framing is in turn juxtaposed to two other International Relations (IR) theories, namely: realism and liberalism. This thesis therefore explores how the system of apartheid in South Africa and a system that has been compared to apartheid in Israel brought the two states together on a national interest level. But, what constituted the perceived alignment of national interests and filtered down into a bureaucratic level is better understood through the constructivist notion of culture and identity that actually solidified the relationship. Culture and identity formed the basis of what made the relationship between the two states strong, and as per the focus of this thesis, manifested in intelligence cooperation between the two states that goes over and beyond what Realists would predict. Although liberalism can explain the apartheid relationship better, it cannot explain why the relationship was not severed after apartheid. Since the end of apartheid, the intelligence relationship has been deteriorating, but this has been a gradual process. This study investigates how regime type impact on intelligence cooperation. It applies the three main IR theories in order to explain and understand the post-apartheid South Africa-Israel relationship. It finds that although Realism and Liberalism are useful, interpreting regime type in a constructivist way adds significantly to explanations of the role regime type plays.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research was to explore the interaction between governance and development in post-colonial Africa. The departure point of the thesis was the understanding that the state remains a pre-eminent actor in the international system. Keeping this assumption in mind, the study made use of a comparative analysis; comparing governance and development in Botswana with governance and development in Zaire/the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), focusing on the post-colonial era. The importance of this research lies in its contribution to the debate on the role of the state in post-colonial Africa. It explores the influence of institution formation and policy implementation by governments (in other words, governance) on development. Understanding the effect of governance on development can have invaluable lessons for other African states in their efforts to develop further. The research question, which guided the thesis thus, was: in the era of the pre-eminence of the state, making use of a comparison between Botswana and Zaire/DRC, what is the influence and effect, of state institution formation and policy implementation (governance) by governments, on state development in terms of economical-, political- and social development? The two main variables were governance and development. Development was sub-divided into three indicators: political, economic and social development. Governance was evaluated in terms of being seen as poor or good governance, as per the World Bank’s definition and understanding of governance. Zaire/DRC, as an example of a failed state, was analysed first, followed by Botswana, selected for its arguably “best practice” experience. For each country the analysis was subdivided into three phases as per the theoretical framework of Chazan, Lewis, Mortimer, Rothchild, and Stedman’s book, Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa (1999). Their book describes three stages of change in African state development in the post-colonial era (Chazan-framework). This framework uses the Chazan-framework and thus subdivides the post-colonial era into: the concentration (centralisation) phase, the elaboration phase, and finally the reconsideration of state power phase. The research found that Zaire/DRC followed a process of state collapse in the post-colonial era, whereas in sharp contrast Botswana experienced positive state development. Since independence Zaire continuously practised poor governance whilst Botswana largely practiced good governance. This was true in all three phases of the Chazan-framework. At the same time, or perhaps due to poor governance, Zaire continuously experienced negative development in all three development categories whilst Botswana continuously experienced positive development in all three development categories, again perhaps due to good governance. The research concludes that even though Botswana is not necessarily an example of a perfect state, it is special in an African context, because of its good governance record. This study does not draw direct relationships between good governance and development, but finds that Botswana probably benefited greatly in development due to the implementation of good institutions, good government policies and general good governance. The research also found that states benefit when their governments practice and adopt policies that are anti-corruption, pro-democracy, pro-competition, pro public-private partnerships, and pro market-orientated economics. In addition, the following are also conducive to good governance: leadership with integrity, peaceful and regular leadership changes, clear distinction between government (party) and the state, and empowered government oversight institutions that act, even against the government itself when needed. The practice of good governance is thus shown to be supportive of long-term development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing was om die interaksie tussen regering en ontwikkeling in post-koloniale Afrika te ondersoek. Die tesis gaan uit vanuit die oogpunt dat die staat steeds ‘n dominante akteur in die internasionale stelsel is. Die studie het gebruik gemaak van ‘n vergelykende ontleding. Regeringstyl en ontwikkeling in post-koloniale Afrika is met mekaar vergelyk. Die vergelyking is getrek tussen Botswana en Zaïre/Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK). Die belangrikheid van die navorsing lê in die bydrae tot die debat oor die rol van die staat in Afrika in die post-koloniale era. Dit bekyk die belangrikheid van instellingskepping en beleids-implementering (met ander woorde, regeerstyl of regering) deur regerings in terme van invloed op die ontwikkeling van state in Afrika. Beter begrip van hierdie verhouding kan waardevolle lesse bevat vir ander Afrikastate in hul pogings om verder te ontwikkel. Die navorsingsvraag wat die tesis gelei het was dus: in die era van die voorrang van die staat, en deur gebruikmaking van ‘n vergelykende studie tussen Botswana en Zaïre/DRK, wat is die invloed en effek van staatsinstelling-vorming en van beleids-implementering (regering) deur regerings, op staatsontwikkeling in terme van ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale ontwikkeling? In hierdie studie was regering en ontwikkeling die twee belangrikste veranderlikes gewees. Ontwikkeling is onderverdeel in drie aanwysers: politieke, ekonomiese en maatskaplike ontwikkeling. Regering is geëvalueer in terme van wat gesien word as swak of goeie regering, volgens die Wêreldbank se definisie en begrip van goeie regering. Zaïre/DRK is eerste as ‘n voorbeeld van 'n mislukte staat ontleed, gevolg deur Botswana, gekies vir sy veronderstelde "beste praktyk"-ervaring. Die analise vir elk van hierdie lande is onderverdeel in drie fases, soos gebaseer op die teoretiese raamwerk van Chazan, Lewis, Mortimer, Rothchild, en Stedman in, Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa (1999) (die Chazan-raamwerk). Hierdie raamwerk onderverdeel die post-koloniale era in: die konsentrasiefase (sentraliseringsfase), die uitbreidingsfase en uiteindelik die fase van die heroorweging van staatsmag. Die navorsing bevind dat Zaïre 'n proses van ineenstorting van die staat in die post-koloniale era ervaar het, terwyl Botswana in skrille kontras positiewe staatsontwikkeling ervaar het. Hierdie tendens was aanwesig in al drie fases van die Chazan-raamwerk. Sedert onafhanklikheid het Botswana ook goeie regering toegepas terwyl Zaïre/DRK meestal swak regering toegepas het. Terselfdertyd, dalk ook weens swak regering, het Zaïre/DRK voortdurend negatiewe ontwikkeling ervaar in al drie van die ontwikkelings kategorieë, terwyl Botswana voortdurend, moontlik te danke goeie regering, positiewe ontwikkeling in al drie die ontwikkelingskategorieë ervaar het. Die navorsing kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, selfs al is Botswana nie noodwendig ‘n voorbeeld van 'n perfekte staat nie, dit steeds weens ‘n goeie regeringstradisie, uniek is in Afrika-konteks. Alhoewel hierdie studie nie 'n direkte verhouding tussen goeie regering en ontwikkeling probeer bevestig het nie, bevind dit wel dat Botswana moontlik in terme van ontwikkeling, weens die implementering van goeie instellings, goeie regeringsbeleid en algemene goeie regering, baie voordeel getrek het. Die navorsing bevind ook dat state voordeel trek wanneer hul regerings beleid aanvaar en toepas wat teen korrupsie is, maar wat demokratiese ideale, markkompetisie, openbare-private vennootskappe en markgeoriënteerde ekonomiese aktiwiteite bevorder. Goeie regering word ook bevorder deur leierskap met integriteit, vreedsame en gereelde verandering van leierskap, duidelike onderskeid tussen die regering (party) en die staat, sowel as nie-regeringsinstellings met die mag om as oorsigliggame oor die regering te funksioneer. Die praktyk van goeie regering blyk dus langtermyn staatsontwikkeling te bevoordeel en te ondersteun.

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

Cette thèse étudie l’esthétique et l’éthique du témoignage dans le nouveau africain d’expression française voire le roman de la guerre. Au centre est l’enfant comme une catégorie sociale menacée et menaçante. L’enfant africain reste « l’arme » et le « soldat » de choix dans la littérature postcoloniale tout comme il était à l’époque coloniale. Cependant, sa mission est devenue encore plus meurtrière car il est maintenant recruté pour mener des combats militaires soutenus par des idéologies dépourvues de logique. Nous examinons donc les enjeux esthétiques et éthiques du choix de donner la parole à l’enfant pour témoigner de la violence postcoloniale dans les romans d’Emmanuel Dongala, de Tierno Monénembo, et d’Ahmadou Kourouma. Que ce soit par le biais d’une confrontation qui imite la scène judiciaire (Dongala), un débat philosophique, religieux et socio-politique autours du sujet de génocide (Monénembo), ou encore de l’emploi du rire carnavalesque pour témoigner de la tragédie personnelle et collective (Kourouma), nos auteurs font de l’enfant le point de référence à partir duquel l’Afrique pense le présent et l’avenir. Ce faisant, ils démontrent une diversité conceptuelle du témoignage littéraire tant sur le plan esthétique qu’éthique, que nous qualifions de changement paradigmatique dans la littérature d’Afrique noire d’expression française. Ce qui émerge est un double témoignage, d’une part, de l’auteur en tant que témoin des traces, d’autre part, de l’enfant (personnage) comme témoin-victime et/ou comme témoin-bourreau de la violence dans la « postcolonie ». / Thesis (Ph.D, French) -- Queen's University, 2012-03-01 12:40:14.865

Cette thèse se veut à la fois critique et pragmatique. Critique de l’histoire récente du Mali lue à l’aune des outils procurés par l’analyse juridique, la sociologie et l’anthropologie du droit. Cette intention critique a conduit à interroger l’histoire du Mali des origines dans une perspective génétique qui a été détaillée dans les prolégomènes. Pragmatique, la thèse formule des propositions rattachées à la situation concrète du Mali, allant dans le sens d’un décloisonnement des consciences et de la restauration des normes constitutives de la République malienne. C’est à la satisfaction de ces deux impératifs que les analyses du langage ont été utiles. Elles ont également permis d’identifier certaines insuffisances de la dogmatique juridique généralement soucieuse de plaquer des concepts préfabriqués sur les réalités africaines, que de saisir au plus près ces réalités avec leurs nuances. Il est donc apparu opportun pour y parvenir de procéder à l’analyse des stratégies des acteurs ordinaires de la société politique malienne. La prise en considération des concepts manipulés par ces derniers explique le recours aux langues autochtones. La première partie de la thèse est consacrée à l’analyse du développement chaotique du Mali après l’abandon du projet des pères de l’indépendance sous la double pression des contraintes économiques et des déterminants culturels. La seconde partie en tire les conséquences du point de vue de la théorie constitutionnelle. C’est la raison pour laquelle la thèse s’achève sur la proposition d’une réforme du système de l’unité africaine inspirée, à l’image de tout ce qui précède, d’un dicton de la langue bambara : « Dormir sur la natte des autres, c’est comme si l’on dormait par terre ». / This thesis is both critical and pragmatic. A criticism of Mali’s recent history read in the light of the tools provided by the legal analysis, sociology and anthropology of law. This critical intent led to examine the history of Mali’s origins in a genetic perspective that has been detailed in the prolegomena. Pragmatic, the thesis puts forward proposals related to the concrete situation of Mali, along the lines of a deregulation of consciences and the re-introduction of constitutive standards into the Malian Republic. The language analysis proved valuable in meeting these two requirements. They also enabled to identify some shortcomings in legal dogma generally more anxious to graft prefabricated concepts onto African realities, rather than capture these realities with their nuances as close as possible. It therefore seemed appropriate to analyze the strategies of ordinary actors of the Malian political society. The consideration of the concepts handled by these latter accounts for the use of indigenous languages. The first part of the thesis is devoted to the analysis of Mali’s chaotic development in the aftermath of the relinquishment of the fathers’ project of independence under the double pressure of economic constraints and cultural determinants. The second part draws the relevant consequences from the point of view of constitutional theory. Thus, the thesis concludes with the proposal for reform of the system of African Unity based, upon as all the above, Bambara language’s saying : “Sleeping on the mat of others is like sleeping on the floor.