No description available.

No description available.

This paper aim to analyze how a Ukrainian membership in the European Union will affect the EU’s agriculture policy and if the Common Agriculture Policy (CAP) needs to implement new reforms to deal with Ukraine’s possible connection. The method which used is a combination of qualitative text analysis a qualitative interview study. The results tell that the entrance of Ukraine will affect EU’s agriculture policy mainly through the economic aspect,that the agriculture support needs to increase which will affect the rest of the member statesas their payments to the EU also need to increase. Depending on when Ukraine accesses the EU, reforms of the current CAP would be preferably, alternatively a parallel CAP which aim to prepare Ukraine for the entrance to the EU’s internal market. The conclusions are that Ukraine’s accession to the EU will affect its agriculture politics, mainly through economics aspects and that the CAP would need reforms, mainly in purpose to reach the goals of a greener agriculture production and to adjust Ukraine to the EU:s regulations. / Uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka om och hur en utvidgning av EU med fokus på Ukraina,får konsekvenser för EU:s jordbrukspolitik. Den ämnar också analysera huruvida EU:s gemensamma jordbrukspolitik (Common Agricultural Policy, CAP) behöver reformeras i samband med en anslutning av Ukraina till unionen. Metoden som används i uppsatsen är en kombination av en kvalitativ textanalys och kvalitativa intervjuer. De resultat som studien fastslår är att ett medlemskap för Ukraina får konsekvenser för de övriga medlemsländerna,ekonomiskt genom att jordbruksstödet bland annat behöver höjas för att kunna betalas ut till Ukraina, vilket innebär att medlemsavgifterna behöver höjas. Vidare analyseras hur jordbruksproduktionen kan få konsekvenser för både EU och Ukraina i from av effektivisering och en grönare produktion. De beslut EU fattar kring jordbrukspolitiken kommer att vara baserade på de ekonomiska faktorerna. CAP kan behöva reformeras, alternativt blir det aktuellt med skapandet av ett parallellt CAP, mer anpassat för att acklimatisera Ukraina inför anpassningen till EU:s jordbrukspolitik. Studiens slutsatser konstaterar att EU:s jordbrukspolitik kommer att påverkas av Ukrainas eventuella inträde i unionen, främst de ekonomiska aspekterna. En reform av nuvarande CAP beror på när Ukraina blir medlem. Sker det inom nästkommande 4 åren blir en uppdatering avnuvarande CAP aktuell.

Theses deals with agricultural policy of New Zealand in comparsion with the EU Common Agricultural Policy. Subject of examination is their impact on foreign trade in agricultural goods as well as impact on the farmers themselves. On the basis of the analysis of agricultural policies in New Zealand and the European Union is subsequently conducted an evaluation of both policies. The approaches in both territories are then comprehensively compared. In concclusion is outlined the possible future development.

Due to growing global concern regarding climate change and CO2 emissions, the use of soil as a potential carbon (C) sink has become increasingly recognised as a potential mitigation measure. Global agricultural soil has the estimated capacity for sequestering C at around 20 to 30 Pg (Peta grams) of C over the next 50 to 100 years if correct land management practises are applied. The benefits on improving soil C levels are not limited to reduced CO2 emissions and climate change mitigation however. It is widely accepted that improved organic C levels provide an array of positive benefits, including enhanced soil fertility, soil structure and water holding capacity and generally improve soil biodiversity and associated ecosystem services. Therefore, the pursuit of increasing soil organic carbon (SOC) levels in agricultural soil could create a win-win-win scenario. To improve SOC levels in agriculture, there are two key components that need to be fully effective. The first being the scientific understanding of SOC and its responses to different farming practices and systems. Secondly, the policy and advisory environment needs to be effective and conducive, promoting those practices and systems which are proven to increase SOC levels. This research therefore, explores these two components by conducting a series of investigations into current on-farm practices for managing SOC, the current policy and legislation structure, the quality and extent of farm-facing SOC related advice, and the scope for improving SOC levels through farm management practices and agri-environmental policy. A critical review and synopsis of global, European and national policy and advice was conducted to identify those policies that encourage the improvement of SOC and to highlight those areas where SOC does not currently feature as a management issue. Whilst soil and SOC do not feature heavily at the European or national level, there are a number of mechanisms which have the potential to improve SOC levels through their ability to reach a large audience of farmers and via the promotion of suitable management practices. The review of current policy was supplemented by interviews with those responsible for providing advice to farmers and farmers themselves. The interviewed farmers and advisors were relatively engaged with the subject of SOC although the results demonstrated that there was scope to improve current levels of understanding and practice. The currently policy environment at the national level, was not, in general, creating changes in management practices with those interviewed, so any potential enhancement of SOC that the policy mechanisms had the ability to create, were being missed. A review of the scientific literature regarding SOC and data gathered from subsequent soil sampling under a range of farming practices has allowed for the exploration of the potential and realisation to increase SOC levels through various management approaches. Practices which promote an increased use of organic matter amendments, reduced tillage systems and organic farming systems were of particular focus; with all three demonstrating the potential in improve SOC levels. Combining the social and natural science aspects of the issue of SOC has allowed for an exploration of the potential approaches to improve SOC within English agriculture. Critically, research and development of the subject needs to be improved to further the scientific understanding of SOC in relation to farming practices and land use. Development is also required of current national policy, in particular agri-environment schemes (AES), which despite reaching a wide farming audience, would appear to create minimal management changes and therefore has minimal impact on improving SOC levels. The two sides of this issue, the social and the natural sciences, must be addressed together otherwise a full understanding and an appropriate approach forward cannot be reached. This is why an interdisciplinary approach has been viewed as a suitable research framework for this thesis. The concluding aim of this work is to present a ‘best practice approach’ in terms of physically improving SOC levels by enhancing current advisory pathways and developing an effective policy environment.

Agricultural policy within the European Union (EU) is but one of the founding pillars upon which unification was developed. Negotiated out of a post-war Europe, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) emphasized the protection of the domestic market, through government subsidies and payment programmes, artificially raising the price of domestic products while restricting access for the foreign agricultural producers. The objective of this paper is to explore the link between the agricultural decisions made by the EU and the effects on citizens in the Least Developed Countries (LDC). To develop a comprehensive understanding of the issue at hand a review of the existing literature will be necessary, as well as an analysis of the available quantitative data. The findings revealed that the CAP is but one factor that impacts development of agriculture in LDC’s, many other factors, such as international and bi-lateral trade agreements, government institutions, and political lobbying also influence the outcome.

Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zeev Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Stemhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Sternhell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "frn-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bourgeois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi- Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later added. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini's ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all important aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of corporativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpretation are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into consideration the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideology was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal nature. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reality only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete; ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism. / digitalisering@umu

My thesis focuses on agricultural livelihoods and EU integration in the Southern Carpathian Mountains of Romania.  I analyse how the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was deployed by policy makers and elites in the first year after EU membership, and how it shaped the livelihood possibilities of <i>tarani </i>(peasants).  Given the polarised nature of Romania’s post-socialist agrarian structure, the CAP excluded peasants from its policies, and demanded they change their <i>exploatatii/ferme de subzistenta;</i> (subsistence farms) into commercial farms.  Arguing from the premise that ‘subsistence farms’ are actually <i>gospodarii taranesti</i> (peasant households) working on different principles from farms altogether, it was possible to inquire into the strategies people deployed resourcefully in their everyday work to keep making a living. I analyse EU integration as a modern political and economic project that seeks to make the radically complicated pathways of people and things ‘transparent’.  I pursue the question of how the neoliberal expansion of economic rationality to all spheres of life shapes the actions of people. My ethnography captures the unease people felt in the face of the current transformation of value and illustrates how a much longer history of devaluing peasants has been taking place.  It makes clear how the devaluation of peasants and their produce is part of a larger epistemological project of development and progress.  My analytical framework enables me to show how the effects of polarisation and externalisation have had serious consequences for the ways people think about questions of freedom, success, merit and the ‘just state’ in Romania today.  My research suggests the need for a broader epistemological shift in the face of crisis, from a dominance approach towards commons thinking.

One billion people currently live in basins that are likely to require action to address climate change-induced water stress. Rather than blaming dwindling resource availability as the key culprit for this global water crisis, the United Nations has dubbed the water crisis a "crisis in governance." One of the key prescriptions promoted by multilateral funders and international water experts for addressing the looming crisis has been water policy reform that follows the principles of Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). While there has been significant research on the IWRM model, few people have conducted empirical studies that examine how IWRM water reform generates changes within the agricultural sector. It is particularly important to study the tight coupling of agricultural and water policy in light of a changing climate, which poses substantial challenges to water availability and agricultural production. In this thesis, I explore the salient case study of the Piura River Basin in northern Peru. I employ semi-structured interviews with key institutional actors in the agricultural and water sector, participant observation, and technical document review to examine how the IWRM-based 2009 Water Resources Law is reshaping agricultural land use under climate change and globalization pressures. I argue that 2009 Water Resources Law formalized and limited public participation within the newly formed river basin council, while concurrently strengthening technocratic water allocation institutions that limit the agency of smallholder water users to make agricultural land use decisions. Additionally, I find that climate change adaptation discourse is being operationalized within river basin council to legitimize these reforms, but these reforms are explicitly enrolled in agricultural development policy aimed at converting traditional agricultural systems to export-oriented production. This study contributes to the fledgling scholarship on the implications of the 2009 Water Resource Law for Peruvian agricultural communities. More broadly, my findings offer insight into how IWRM reshapes the agricultural sector, how this is situated into the continually shifting role of the state, and how these policy reforms integrate and animate climate change adaptation.

Master of Arts / Department of History / James E. Sherow / Whether as a “progressive” or an anti-New Dealer, Casement was always primarily concerned with creating a stable business climate for the beef industry––even though his ideas on methodology changed. Beginning in the 1920s, he argued for the preservation of republican virtue through the language of eugenics. Eugenics may be broadly defined as “the science of the improvement of the human race by better breeding.” During the Progressive era, Casement primarily supported structural reforms such as conservation and federal regulation of industry. After WWI he became increasingly concerned with the moral direction of the country and believed that stricter individual responsibility—encouraged by limited government—along with eugenic-inspired reforms were necessary to restore the country’s republican virtue. In Casement’s view, the New Deal inaugurated a governmental takeover of private property through unfair taxes for wealth redistribution and production controls that sapped individual initiative, thereby weakening an already weakened populace—especially in the agricultural sector.