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Denna studie undersöker problematiken kring attacker mot humanitära biståndsarbetare i konfliktområden. Studien ämnar bidra till detta forskningsfält med ett nytt perspektiv rörande risktagande på individuell så väl som organisatorisk nivå. Studien undersöker ifall detta risktagande kan äventyra biståndsarbetarnas säkerhet. Vidare problematiserar studien det dikotomiska tänkandet om huruvida organisationer bör dra sig ut eller stanna kvar i högriskområden. Detta görs genom att diskutera problematiken utifrån begreppet mänsklig säkerhet i relation till det humanitära uppdraget. Informationen samlades in genom att läsa tidigare litteratur, genomföra intervjuer och genom att  distribuera ett frågeformulär. Studien finner flera olika orsaker och incitament till högt risktagande och kategoriserar dessa som avsiktligt och oavsiktligt risktagande. Vidare uppmanar studien organisationer att beakta risktagandeperspektivet och att de bör hantera det oavsiktliga risktagandet eftersom det påverkar humanitära biståndsarbetares säkerhet negativt.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Emizet F. Kisangani / Attacks against nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in high-risk conflict zones have increased exponentially over the last two decades. However, the few existing empirical studies on NGO insecurity have tended to focus on external factors influencing attacks, with little attention paid to the actions of aid workers themselves. To fill this gap, this dissertation theorizes that aid workers may have contributed to their own insecurity by engaging in greater political action. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used to assess the impact of political activity by NGOs on the insecurity of aid workers. The quantitative analyses test the theory at two levels. The first is a large-N country-level analysis of 117 nations from 1999 to 2015 using panel corrected standard errors. The second is a subnational-level statistical analysis of four case studies: Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and Colombia from 2000 to 2014. Both the country- and provincial- level analyses show that the magnitude of aid tends to be a significant determinant of aid worker security. The qualitative methods of “structured-focused comparison” and “process tracing” are used to analyze the four cases. Results show that aid workers are most likely to be victims of politically-motivated attacks while in-transit. Consistent with the quantitative findings, it is speculated that if workers are engaged in a large-scale project over an extended period of time, attackers will be able to monitor their daily activities and routines closely, making it easier to orchestrate a successful ambush. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that political statements made by NGOs—regardless of their sectors of activity—have increased insecurity for the broader aid community. These results dispel the myth that humanitarian activity has historically been independent, impartial, and neutral. Several NGOs have relied on this false assumption for security, believing that adherence to core principles has contributed to “humanitarian space.” The results also dispel the popular NGO assumption that targeted attacks are not official tactics of organized militants, but rather the result of criminality or mistaken identity. In fact, the overwhelming majority of aid workers attacked in high-risk conflict zones have been targeted by political actors.

DR Congo has experienced more than two decades of conflict and profound political upheaval, sparking humanitarian crises which have seen large-scale relief efforts to alleviate them. Aid workers and UN staff working there have been caught up in the violence, sometimes with deadly results and major disruption to aid operations. Nonetheless there has been a tendency to assume that most security incidents involving aid workers are a result either of pure criminality, or because the victims happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. Is that really the case however, or are humanitarian workers perceived as political actors, and thus vulnerable to politically motivated violence? This dissertation conducts an empirical data study of attacks against humanitarian actors, UN workers and peacekeepers between 2006-2018, mapping them against political developments. Following previous work by Hoelscher, Mikllian & Nygard, this research tests what impact the nature of the conflict or the change of peacekeeping mandate has on both aid-worker and UN personnel security, as well as exploring the different risks faced by national and international staff working for international NGOs. It also, using an interpretivist lens first proposed by Labonte & Edgerton, explores the role of the Congolese state in aid-worker security, testing whether relations between the host government and aid providers can impact individual aid-worker security on the ground. The results indicate that both conflict intensity and elections cycles could impact on rates of attacks against aid-workers, as well as clearly demonstrating that national staff are far more exposed to risk of attack, and that fatalities of UN staff since the peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO) in DRC received its more aggressive mandate in 2013 have risen sharply. The research also raises questions about the potential threat posed by the Congolese state to aid-worker security, given the nature of statehood in DRC, its motives and perceptions of aid operations, and the state’s role as both the main belligerent and security provider in zones where humanitarian workers chiefly operate.

This study examined the relationship between spiritual intelligence (SI), emotional intelligence (EI), coping ability (CA), and burnout (BO) among humanitarian aid workers in Zimbabwe. A convenience sample of 296 (53% males and 47% females) humanitarian aid workers was used in the study. Correlation and multiple regression analyses were used to explore the contribution of SI, EI, and CA to the burnout. Results indicated that SI, EI, and CA are all significantly related to Burnout and its dimensions of emotional exhaustion (EE), depersonalisation (DP) and personal accomplishment (PA) in humanitarian aid workers. CA and EI significantly contributed to the variation of scores in EE and DP whereas SI did not. However, all the three variables significantly contributed to the variation in PA. Gender, age, employment status and tenure in NGO had no significant relationships with EE, DP, or PA whereas contract type, length of service, educational level and nature of work were associated with statistically significant differences in EE, DP, and PA. The research contributed to the understanding of burnout among aid workers in Zimbabwe. Humanitarian organisations can use the findings to come up with scientifically backed recruitment, selection, training, and staff wellbeing policies and programmes that help to reduce the impact of burnout in the humanitarian aid sector. / Psychology / D. Phil. (Consulting Psychology)

This thesis analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on relationships between international and local humanitarian actors responding to the 4 August 2020 Beirut Port Explosion. The concepts of “the local”, localization, inequality, and remote management provide a theoretical framework for this analysis. Data collection for this case study research includes a review of published and grey literature, and five video interviews with staff of local and international humanitarian organizations in Beirut. Empirical findings show that local-international inequalities—in the forms of limited access, recognition,and control—have been observed in Beirut and Lebanon for decades, and persisted during the port explosion response. This research further suggests that COVID-19 has contributed to an increase in inequality, most notably by reducing the participation of local actors in humanitarian coordination meetings, and disproportionately transferring risk from international to local actors due to a reliance on remote management. Findings also show that the port explosion caused an influx of funding that was disproportionately directed to international actors, and the economic crisis created a currency devaluation that has exacerbated local-international wage disparities and threatened to limit the reach of local NGO activities. Despite the strength of the civil society—shaped by a strong education system, decades of working through crisis, and government inaction—local actors have often been excluded from humanitarian practice in Beirut and Lebanon. At the same time, findings highlight increases in equality: some local actors adapted more quickly than international actors to COVID-19 and were able to leverage their strengths to receive more funding and greater leadership in the port explosion response. These movements demonstrate adaptability in humanitarian practice that would be critically required in any future reform. This thesis concludes with two recommendations: (1) the use of remote management due to COVID-19 is likely problematic and requires further research to identify best practices; and (2) critical localization provides a useful framework to analyze and mitigate the persistence of local-international inequalities infuture humanitarian responses, and helps to find a meaningful way forward.