Islamic fundamentalism is a hotly debated and contested issue in the global arena and is often depicted as having replaced communism as the predominant threat to the West in the post-Cold War world. This study analyses the ideologies espoused by Islamic fundamentalist groups in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa by means of the dialogic model of interpretation in order to arri ve at a more thorough, less judgment al understanding thereof. The study begins with an in -depth analysis of various definitions of the concept Islamic fundamentalism. This is followed by a critical discussion of rationalist approaches to Islamic fundamentalism as well as reference to the ir shortcomings in order to justify the use of the dialogic model of interpretation. This model aims to critically evaluate Islamic fundamentalist ideas through interaction with the irrespective originators, thereby questioning the validity of a s ingle Western rationalist- inspired version of the truth. Structural factors, the political, cultural and soc io-economic conditions in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa, are also accommodated by the model. Consequently, the rise of Islamic revivalism is discussed within the historical context of the increasing influence of the West in the world of Islam and the introduction (and eventual failure) of secularist ideologies in the post-independence era. The focus is on different strands of Islamic political thought, Islamic fundamentalists, Islamic traditionalists, Islamic modernists and Islamic pragmatists. The country case studies, Algeria, Sudan and South Africa are then approached by means of an indepth analysis of the ideologies of prominent Islamic fundamentalist groups, as well as a consideration of structural (political, economic and social) factors. [n the case of Algeria, a detailed discuss ion of the ideology of the Front Islamique du Salut (F1S - Islamic Salvation Front) is placed in the context of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the dynamics of the current civil war. When it comes to Sudan, the ideology of the ruling National Islamic Front (NIF) is discussed, and is also placed in the context of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in that country, as well as a discussion of government policies since 1989, with specific reference to the Sudanese civ il war and the current crisis in the Darfur region. In terms of South Africa, the focus is on the ideology of People against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), which is placed in the context of the urban terrorist attacks that characterised the Western Cape a few years ago. The final chapter looks at what has been learned from using the dialogic model of interpretation (with an additional evaluation of structural factors) as a theoretical approach. Recommendations are made with regard to each of the respective case studies which may be potentially useful for a future resolution of the conflicts in Algeria and Sudan, and, in the case of South Africa, may help ensure continuing stability as far as Islamic fundamentalism is concerned. Copyright / Dissertation (MA (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The thesis is concerned with the influence of the income from oil industry on the economies of Algeria and the United Arab Emirates in the years 2000-2015. The topic is analysed from the point of view of the resource curse theory. This theory is defined as a negative relationship between excess of a non-renewable resource and economic performance. Alongside with the negative economic growth, the experts defined other factors linked to the resource curse. The method used in the thesis is an analysis of these indicators on the example of Algeria and the UAE, and subsequently the dangers of resource curse are identified. The thesis evaluates, based on the comparison of the performance of selected factors, the economical and institutional development of the chosen countries. In the conclusion the diversification efforts of the UAE in the economic field and relatively safe economic development of Algeria are commented. More or less positive tendencies may be observed also in the development of most of the institutional indicators of both countries.

Les récents mouvements sociaux qui ont secoué certains pays arabes notamment l'Algérie ont montré la fragilité de la situation sur le marché du travail dans ces pays en particulier pour les jeunes. Le premier chapitre porte sur l'analyse de la situation du marché du travail en Algérie sur une longue période. Ces dix dernières années la situation de l'emploi s'est dégradée en termes de sécurité de l'emploi en particulier pour les jeunes. La situation reste difficile, d'autant plus que la situation démographique actuelle envisage de fortes pressions sur le marché du travail dans le futur. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous analysons les stratégies de recherche d'emploi notamment par le biais des méthodes informelles. Nos résultats montrent de fortes spécificités liées au genre dans les stratégies de recherche. Dans l'ensemble, les réseaux sociaux apparaissent comme étant une méthode efficace pour trouver un emploi en Algérie mais pas pour des emplois qualifiés. Le troisième chapitre vise à étudier l'architecture des systèmes d'emploi en Algérie. Il ressort que le modèle qui explique le mieux le comportement des hommes et des femmes est un modèle séquentiel à deux niveaux : participation vs non participation et ensuite le choix d'un segment sur le marché du travail. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous analysons les déterminants du choix du secteur et les salaires pour les hommes et les femmes dans différents secteurs d'activités en Algérie. Nos résultats montrent que les femmes sont moins bien rémunérées par rapport aux hommes dans les différents segments. Le secteur public est celui qui protège le plus les femmes de la discrimination salariale. / Recent social movements that swept some Arab countries including Algeria showed the fragility of the situation on the labor market in these countries in particular for young people. The first chapter deals with the analysis of the situation of the labor market in Algeria over a long period. Over the past decade the employment situation has deteriorated in terms of job security in particular for young people. The situation remains difficult, especially as the current demographic situation considering pressures on the labor market in the future. In the second chapter, we analyze the strategies for job search including through informal methods. Our results show strong gender specificities in search strategies. Overall, social networks appear to be an effective method to find a job in Algeria but not for skilled jobs. The third chapter aims to study the architecture of employment systems in Algeria. It appears that the model that best explains the behavior of men and women is a sequential two-level model: participation vs. non participation and then choosing a segment on the labor market. In the fourth chapter, we analyze the determinants of the choice of sector and wages for men and women in different sectors in Algeria. Our results show that women are paid less compared to men in the various segments. The public sector is the one that best protects women from wage discrimination.

Hàm Nghi (1871-1944), empereur patriote selon l’historiographie vietnamienne, victime ou acteur de la résistance anticoloniale selon les historiens français, fut exilé à Alger dans l’espoir de mettre fin au mouvement Cần Vương. Déporté à l’âge de dix-huit ans, pion sur l’échiquier politique de l’Indochine, il était considéré par une partie des autorités françaises comme un homme politique influent. Il fut surveillé toute sa vie et ne fut jamais autorisé à entrer en contact avec l’Indochine. Cependant, celui qui était désormais appelé « prince d’Annam », noua des amitiés avec des élèves vietnamiens au lycée d’Alger, des officiers et des missionnaires français, qui circulaient entre l’Indochine, l’Algérie et la métropole. Ces intermédiaires lui permirent de conserver un lien avec l’Indochine. Hàm Nghi consacra sa vie à l’art. Il devint peintre et sculpteur. Il fut l’élève du peintre orientaliste Marius Reynaud, du sculpteur Auguste Rodin, et fréquenta de nombreux artistes de son époque. Les archives nationales, vietnamiennes et françaises, nous apprennent les aspects administratifs de son exil : seul le point de vue du gouvernement français est alors connu. Les archives privées du fonds Hàm Nghi, récemment découvertes, apportent le regard intime de l’empereur exilé sur sa vie, par l’intermédiaire de sa correspondance. Ces documents permettent d’écrire une biographie et d’établir un catalogue raisonné de son œuvre. / Hàm Nghi (1871-1944), patriotic emperor according to Vietnamese historiography, victim or actor of the resistance against colonisation according to French historians, was sent into exile in Algiers in order to end the movement called Cần Vương. Deported when he was eighteen years old, pawn on the political chessboard of Indochina, he was considered by some French authorities to be an influential political figure. He was kept under surveillance his entire life and was never allowed contact with Indochina. Hàm Nghi, who was henceforth called “prince of Annam”, nevertheless established friendships with Vietnamese students of the Algiers highschool, and with officiers and missionnaries who travelled between Indochina, Algeria and France. These intermediaries helped him to maintain a connection with Indochina. Hàm Nghi dedicated his life to art. He became a painter and a sculptor. He was the student of the orientalist painter Marius Reynaud and of the sculptor Auguste Rodin, and he associated with many artists of his day. Previously the Vietnamese and French national archives informed us of the administrative aspects of the emperor’s exile, revealing only the point of view of the French government. Today the private archives of Hàm Nghi’s collection bring us the personal view of the emperor on his life. These documents enable us to write a biography and a catalogueraisonné.

This thesis deals with the geopolitical aspects resulting from the increasing EU dependence on natural gas imports from the external suppliers. In addition to the investigation into he current situation of the EU market with natural gas, nature of major suppliers is explored, the thesis tries to identify the main risks to the security of supplies, especially the possibility of politically motivated supply disruption. From a broader perspective, it scrutinizes whether the natural gas market is driven by the market-based principles and regulated by international organizations (Market and Institutions scenario) or the bilateral relations between producer and consumer are the decisive factor (Regions and Empires scenario). Furthermore, the analysis of relevant documents issued by the EU institutions is also included and the thesis aims to assess the feasibility of the single 2 European external energy policy. Finally, the thesis includes two case-studies: the first one is dealing with energy relations between Russia and Belarus and Ukraine. The second one is dedicated to the Nord Stream gas pipeline project.

The thesis analyses novels l'Étranger and Meursault, contre-enquête, which represent an example of literary dialogue reflecting problems associated with postcolonial society. The comparison of texts shows changes made by Kamel Daoud and the shifting values taking place in this transformation. Emphasis is placed on the characters, and especially on the onomastic system, to illustrate the main difference in the message of selected novels. The introduction focuses on contradictory public perception of writers and their native country, Algeria. The main part compares semantic differences of these two books. To strengthen the comparison, the word frequency analysis has been used and it showed important disproportions between both texts. The conclusion discusses the crucial role of language, which in both cases is divided into two contradictory categories that are the source of certain tension. The result of this work is an interpretation of Daoud's work, in which the possibilities of new interpretations of Camus's work also appear, partly thanks to the comparison with texts written by important postcolonial theoreticians. The issue of searching for identity, presented in the literature since time immemorial, derives from the contact of two different cultures and occupies a significant place in Daoud's...

Scholars that study civil resistance mainly focus on factors that explain success or democratisation yet overlook what shapes an important link between the two: negotiations. This study asks why some civil resistance movements enter extensive negotiations with the regime while others do not and argues that the decision to negotiate in nonviolent campaigns is a function of a movement’s organisational capacity. Civil resistance movements with highorganisational capacity present fewer transaction costs for the regime and face fewer in-group constraints for entering negotiations. Thus, civil resistance movements with high organisational capacity are more likely to enter and conduct extensive negotiations with the regime. I test thehypothesised relationship through a structured, focused comparison of the Hirak in Algeria in 2019/2020 and the Sudanese Revolution in 2018/2019, relying on data collected through news wire reports. I find support for the hypothesis that organisational capacity matters for the scope of negotiations. However, the empirical evidence points towards the importance of the ability to shift tactics besides transaction costs and in-group constraints. Overall, this study presents a new theoretical framework, insights into the Algerian and Sudanese nonviolent campaigns and their negotiation processes and practical recommendations for civil resistance movements.

Daniel Dolejší The causes of continuing existence of the French Foreign Legion 2015 Abstract The core theme of this diploma thesis is the French Foreign Legion that is examined from the point of view of national interests and strategic culture of France. It is very unusual in developed countries to have foreigners as a part of national army. Goal of the thesis is to discover and describe the causes of continuing existence of the French Foreign Legion. First of all, the author defines national interests and strategic culture of France for certain periods, and then he assesses the contribution of the Legion to fulfillment of goals connected to the national interests and the strategic culture. To the main conclusions of this work belongs that the first hypothesis was confirmed, the French Foreign Legion helped to reach goals based on national interests in certain periods. On the other hand, the second hypothesis was not completely confirmed. The author expected that the strategic culture always stabilizes and supports the role of the Legion, but he found out the opposite for the interwar period. The author supposes higher importance of the Legion in the area of peacekeeping operations under a mandate of the UN or NATO because the EU currently lacks troops prepared to be deployed abroad.

This study examines the case of the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS), a political party that in the early 1990s regrouped various Islamist currents in Algeria and managed to win the municipal elections, and its victory was expected in the parliamentary elections. However, an abrupt coup d’état undertaken by the military and backed inexplicitly by international opinion was to end the party’s success. In an attempt to answer the question of why democratically elected Islamist parties are opposed by the international community, the study employs the case study method and determines the case to be a crucial case. In order to falsify common narratives about Islamist parties and their alleged illegitimacy—through a within-case method of pattern matching––the pattern derived from the literature is matched with the pattern present in the trajectory and nature of the FIS in order to determine whether these two converge. It is determined through a thorough analysis of both the party’s internal structure, as well as its political programme, that the pattern derived cannot be seen as in congruence with the points presented in the hypothesis derived from the significant parts of the mainstream literature. Therefore, an alternative explanation for the international community’s hostility towards Islamist movements is presented, and established upon separate analytical grounds.

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