This dissertation is a philological study of transnational revolutionary print culture in French and Arabic during Algeria’s War for Independence (1954-1962) and its first post-independence regime (1962-1965). Investigating the ways in which women have been written into historical narratives, it is also a feminist historiography. During this era of global decolonization, the Front de libération nationale (FLN)—Algeria’s vanguard revolutionary party—integrated itself into a global coalition of revolutionary movements that provided mutual material and ideological support and self-identified as part of the Third World. While female freedom fighters (mujāhidāt) attained widespread fame as global symbols of anticolonialism, their intellectual work as intermediaries in constructing national and transnational anticolonial culture remains understudied. This dissertation analyzes the mujāhidāt’s discursive interventions in the project of liberating women, the nation, and the wider colonized world. In doing so, it challenges the masculinist and institutionalist biases prevalent in international relations, a field that has predominantly considered men as global political leaders and privileged government documents and official diplomatic correspondence as source material. Among the varied writings that I examine, two mouthpieces of the FLN take center stage: El Moudjahid (est. 1956) and Révolution africaine (est. 1963). My study of the mujāhidāt’s participation in the construction of national and transnational anticolonial culture consists not only of close readings of their writings in nationalist publications, but also a more holistic analysis of the worlds that these periodicals sought to project an image of via references to and excerpts of literature, film, theoretical texts, interviews, and testimonies. While each mujāhida’s contribution to national and transnational community-building varied, the central argument of my dissertation is that despite working in a patriarchal political and publishing environment, the mujāhidāt were able to express themselves by maneuvering at the margins. That is, they deployed a diversity of rhetorical tactics that subtly contested the premises of the system in which they operated, thus exercising power from a seeming position of weakness. While articles authored by the mujāhidāt are a major part of my corpus, I also read more holistically for gendered discourses of liberation in the print and visual culture of the 1950s and 60s. To contextualize the gendered expectations under which they had to write, Chapter One opens with an analysis of “Algeria’s personality” as it was articulated in nationalist texts, with the concept of “family honor” being an essential part of this personality. Chapter Two examines in literature and films that were commonly referenced by nationalist periodicals another key component of this personality: “authenticity,” and more specifically its expression as feminine revolution authenticity. Investigating how mujāhidāt writers navigated such expectations of authenticity, Chapter Three demonstrates how they promoted their own repertoire of female revolutionary icons in nationalist periodicals, especially the figure of the uneducated but radicalized mother as a bastion of cultural authenticity. Finally, Chapter Four reflects on disjunctures in nation-building narratives during Algeria’s post-independence regime. Examining the FLN’s world-building project of cultural diplomacy and national edification primarily via its periodical Révolution africaine, it examines the mujāhidāt’s modalities of intervention in the cultural debates at the intersection between women’s emancipation and the global anticolonial struggle.

Although a relatively new research field, many quantitative studies have over the past decade been undertaken examining rebel governance as an insurgent practice in intrastate conflicts around the globe. Nevertheless, gaps persist in the understanding of how common aspects of rebel governance, such as inclusive service provision, affect competing non-state actors in multi-rebel group conflict landscapes. Hitherto, this is the research puzzle of interest. This study asks the question: how is rebel group violence against civilians affected by a rival rebel group practising inclusive service provision? The hypothesis is that the level of violence against civilians practised by a rebel group decreases if a rival rebel group engages in inclusive service provision. The applied research method is a qualitative structured focused comparison between ELN in Colombia and GIA in Algeria from 1994 to 1999. The study does not find support for the hypothesised causal relationship, although forms of attempted emulation and outbidding of rival actors seem present in both studied cases. Further research is needed to fully dismiss the possibility of rival rebel group inclusive service provision sharing a negative variable relationship with rebel group violence against civilians.

Consacrée à l’analyse comparée du Cid (1661) et de La Parodie du Cid (1972), cette thèse porte sur la « relation critique » qui a été établie par le biais de la parodie entre les deux textes. Empruntée à Daniel Sangsue, l’expression met en évidence le fait que la réécriture parodique d’une œuvre n’est pas seulement un exercice de divertissement, mais une manière de réaliser une critique de l’intérieur, dont le résultat n’est pas une étude analytique, mais un texte littéraire. Néanmoins, si la parodie ne se limite pas à faire rire, elle se construit, certes, en contraste avec le texte parodié – le comique étant un élément fondamental de cette relation. Comme, de 1941 à 1972, la PDC a subi des modifications, une analyse comparée des versions est aussi devenue impérative pour notre étude. Dans ce cas, nous avons évalué si les changements effectués par le parodiste au fil des années ont contribué à une lisibilité accrue de la pièce et à son adaptation à un public changeant. Écrite en Algérie française et en pataouète, la PDC a exigé également une mise en place des enjeux spécifiques de la pièce et de son époque. C’est pour cela que les rapports entre colonie et métropole aussi qu’entre les différents composants de l’ordre colonial sont ici convoqués et problématisés. Notre hypothèse est que la PDC est – selon une formulation de Sangsue – une « critique en acte», puisque se rapprochant du modèle cornélien, Brua prend aussi ses distances, produisant un texte nouveau. / Devoted to a comparative analysis of Le Cid (1661) and La Parodie du Cid (1972), this thesis focuses on the "critical relationship" that has been established through parody between the two texts. Borrowed from Daniel Sangsue, the concept of parody highlights the fact that the parodic rewriting of a text is not merely an exercise for entertainment, but a way of performing a critique from within, the result of which is not an analytical study, but a literary text. Nevertheless, if the parody is not limited to making people laugh, it is certainly built in contrast with the parodied text - the comic being a fundamental element of this relationship. As the PDC underwent changes between 1941 and 1972, a comparative analysis of the versions of the play also became imperative for our study. In this case, we assessed whether the changes made by the parodist over the years contributed to the increased readability of the play and its adaptation to a changing audience. Written in French Algeria and in Pataouète, the PDC also required a set of the specific issues of the play and its time. This is why the relationship between the colony and metropolis as well as between the different components of the colonial order is summoned and problematized here. Our hypothesis is that PDC is – according to a formulation of Sangsue – a "critique in act", since approaching the Cornelian model, Brua also distances himself, producing a new text.

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This thesis focuses on documentaries by North African women, who have been marginalised within the limited space of the field of African filmmaking. I illustrate how North African cinema has suffered from neglect in studies on African as well as Arab culture and particularly African and Arab cinema. I discuss the work of four pioneering women documentary makers in Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. Consecutively I will discuss Ateyyat El Abnoudy, Selma Baccar, Assia Djebar and Izza Génini’s work. My approach is transnational and Bakhtinian in the sense that I am an outsider looking in. I promote a constant self-awareness as a Western European and an academic interested in the area that is defined as the Middle East. Like the documentary makers, I take the nation state as a starting point so as to understand its effects, in order to be able to critique it and place the films in a transnational context. The documentaries in this thesis illustrate that films of a socio-political nature contest the notion of a singular national identity and can become a means of self-definition. Asserting one’s own cultural and national identity, and subjectively offering the spectator an individual’s interpretation of that self-definition, is a way towards female emancipation. Going against the grain and avoiding stereotypes, evading censorship and dependence on state control, these directors find ways to give a different dimension to their identity. Analysing the work of these four pioneering filmmakers, I uncover diverse female subject matters treated by a similar aesthetic. I argue that through overlooked cinematic techniques, they succeed in subverting the censor and communicating a subtle but convincing critique of the patriarchal system in their respective countries. Their preoccupation with representing ‘the other half’ puts a new and under-explored spin on perceptions of anti-establishment filming with subtly emancipating consequences. I suggest that their common aesthetic is one that develops moderation in terms of context, content and style. There is a cinematic way of implicitly subverting not only the (colonial) past but also the (neo-colonial) present which goes further than re-inscription or compensation: new modes of resistance co-exist with the more rebellious and heroic ones. These women’s films rewrite, imply and contemplate rather than denounce and attack heroically. They do not reject as much as interrogate their situations, counting on the empathic and intersubjective abilities of the spectator. A relationship of trust between director, subject and spectator is crucial if we want to believe in the subalterns’ aptitude for voicing issues and gazing back. I reveal a different approach to communication beyond the verbal, and a belief in the subjects’ capacities to speak and listen. This is echoed in the filmmaker’s sensitive analysis of the subjects’ expression and voice and the non-vocal expression – the gaze. The intended outcome is dependent on the willingness of the spectator to take part in the intersubjective communication triangle. I conclude with the idea that moderation is the foundational concept of a post-Third Cinema transnational aesthetic in North Africa. Ateyyat El Abnoudy, Selma Baccar, Assia Djebar and Izza Génini are pioneers of women’s filmmaking in North Africa, who opened up a space for underrepresented subjects, voices and gazes.

本文主要關注：何種原因造成2011年阿拉伯之春期間的內戰發生與否。在評估由Boix、Collier和Hoeffler，以及Fearon和Laitin所提出的內戰理論後，我發現單獨適用Collier和Hoeffler即可有效又簡約地解釋阿拉伯之春期間的情況。此外，我認為「和平持續期」(peace duration)和「半民主」(anocracy)可能是內戰的必要條件。為了進一步確認理論的解釋力，我將焦點轉移至探索造成理論預測例外（如阿爾及利亞和利比亞）的原因。最後，我提出對理論發展和政策的一些建議。 / The main concern of this study lies in what is the cause behind whether civil war broke out during the Arab Spring (2011). By evaluating civil war theories by Boix, Collier and Hoeffler, and Fearon and Laitin, I find that applying the theory by Collier and Hoeffler alone can effectively and parsimoniously explains the situation during the Arab Spring. In addition, I identify two variables: “peace duration” and “anocracy”, which might be the necessary conditions behind the civil wars during the Arab Spring. To further assure the explanatory power of theories, I switch the focus to explore the reasons why there are exceptions, such as Algeria and Libya, out of the theoretical prediction. Finally, I present some recommendations for theoretical development and policy.

Aujourd’hui, la violence scolaire est souvent évoquée et invoquée. Elle retient l'attention de la communauté éducative et constitue une préoccupation majeure pour les politiques. Tout d'abord, parce qu’elle revêt divers aspects, quantitatifs et qualitatifs. Ensuite, parce qu'il existe une forte demande sociale et institutionnelle envers la cessation de cette violence sous toutes ses formes. En Algérie, ce phénomène n’est certes pas nouveau mais il a commencé à prendre de l’ampleur quelques années après le déclenchement d’une violence politique et criminelle sanglante (le terrorisme). Comment, et sous quelles formes, un tel phénomène se produit-il au sein de l’école algérienne ? Afin d’éclairer non seulement ses modalités, mais aussi ses enjeux et sa structure, nous nous sommes intéressé à la manière dont les différents acteurs de la communauté éducative se représentent la violence ainsi que sa genèse et son développement en prenant l’exemple de collèges constantinois. Cette recherche nous a permis, à travers une enquête par questionnaires et par entretiens menée auprès d’un échantillon de 545 personnes, dont 388 élèves et 157 adultes, de mieux comprendre le processus complexe de cette spirale et de mettre en exergue les perceptions de ces acteurs, eu égard à leurs logiques d’action. Les résultats ont mis en évidence le lien entre l’école et son environnement à la lumière d’une pluralité de variables telles que le contexte familial et urbain, le climat scolaire, la situation socio-économique, les groupes de pairs, les valeurs, les aspirations, l’usage de drogues. / Today, the school violence is often raised and invoked. It holds the attention of the educational community and is a major concern for the politics. First of all, because it covers various aspects, both quantitative and qualitative. Then, because there exists a strong social and institutional request toward the cessation of this violence in all its forms. In Algeria, this phenomenon is certainly not new, but it has begun to expand a few years after the outbreak of bloody political and criminal violence (the terrorism). How, and in which forms, such a phenomenon does it occur within the Algerian schools ? To clarify not only its modalities, but also its issues and its structure, we were interested in the way in which the various actors of the educational educative community represent violence as well as its genesis and its development by taking the example of middle schools (colleges) in the city of Constantine. This research has enabled us, through an investigation by questionnaires and interviews conducted with a sample of 545 people, among which 388 pupils and 157 adults, to better understand the complex process of this spiral and to put forward the perceptions of these actors, in view to their logics of action. The results highlighted the link between the school and its environment in the light of a plurality of variables such as the family and urban context, school climate, the socio-economic situation, peer groups, the values, aspirations, the use of drugs

Au début du XIXe siècle, la presse française connaissait peu le Maroc, certes ce dernier avait un traité de paix avec la France et un mouvement commercial existait entre les deux pays, mais ce n’est qu’à partir de la conquête d’Alger en 1830, que les quotidiens de Paris vont s’intéresser particulièrement à cet espace avec lequel désormais la France partageait des frontières. Ces dernières ouvertes et mouvantes seront la source de beaucoup de froissements entres les deux pays. La donne sécuritaire influencera ainsi le regard des journaux sur l’espace marocain. Ce dernier de plus en plus présent dans les éditions des grandes feuilles françaises intéressait les journalistes, académiciens et hommes politiques français de l’époque. Inconstant et turbulent, il dérangeait et fascinait à la fois. Observant l’espace marocain à travers la presse française, cette thèse nous éclaire sur l’évolution des relations franco-marocaines à partir du XIXe siècle jusqu’à la signature du protectorat en 1912. Elle explore la place qu’occupait le Maroc dans les relations internationales de l’époque. Les tensions entre Paris et le makhzen se répercutaient sur leurs relations avec les autres puissances d’Europe influent ainsi la dynamique qui liait les Etats dans leur environnement méditerranéen et surtout continental. / In early 19th Century, the French press was not particularly familiar with the Moroccan empire, despite old economic and diplomatic relations between France and Morocco. It is only after the colonization of Algeria that the French newspapers became interested in the old empire. France newly shared borders with Morocco created many tensions and speculations. The press started then to report concerns about the impact Morocco might have on the security of the new French colony. Journalists, men state and scholars turned their eyes toward this new turbulent neighbour. The old empire fascinated as much as it troubled and concerned them. The object of this thesis is to give us an insight into the Moroccan and French relations during the 19th century until 1912 through the particular perspective of the French press. It focuses on tensions and dynamics between the two countries and how they shaped the current international relations at both the Mediterranean and European levels.