Esta dissertação investiga o comportamento linguístico de crianças brasileiras entre 4;0 e 6;11 anos de idade, acerca da produção de orações relativas de objeto direto e de objeto preposicionado. Segundo Friedmann, Belletti e Rizzi (2009), essa dificuldade existe devido ao traço [+NP] presente no sujeito da relativa e no núcleo relativizado. Para os autores, a gramática infantil computa o sujeito da relativa como um elemento interveniente que impede a relativização do objeto, resultando em uma violação semelhante à Minimalidade Relativizada (Rizzi, 1990). Por outro lado, estudos experimentais como o de Gennari e Macdonald (2008) indicam que essa dificuldade está ausente em relativas de objeto contendo um sujeito animado e um núcleo relativizado inanimado. Partindo desses estudos, desenvolvemos uma tarefa de produção eliciada com pares de figuras. Em nossos materiais, controlamos o traço de animacidade do sujeito da relativa e do núcleo relativizado, de modo a observar quais configurações de animacidade resultam em uma maior dificuldade para as relativas de objeto. Nossos resultados sugerem que as relativas de objeto direto mais difíceis contêm um sujeito inanimado. Isto ocorre uma vez que esta posição sintática é comumente preenchida por um argumento animado (Becker, 2014). O frequente uso de estratégias de esquiva nessas relativas indica que animacidade possui um papel determinante para facilitar ou dificultar a produção de relativas de objeto direto. No que diz respeito às relativas de objeto preposicionado, nossos resultados indicam que todas as configurações do traço de animacidade foram difíceis para nossos sujeitos de pesquisa, não sendo determinante a configuração de animacidade nessas relativas. Sugerimos que um conjunto de fatores pode estar envolvido para a dificuldade observada nessas construções: a ausência de relativas com pied-piping preposicional na fala dos adultos; a maior simplicidade derivacional em relativas preposicionadas com um resumptivo nulo ou pronunciado (Roeper (2003); Lessa de Oliveira (2008)); as relativas com pied-piping preposicional dependem de seu ensino formal (Corrêa (1998); Guasti e Cardinaletti (2003)). / This dissertation investigates the linguistic behavior of Brazilian children aged between 4;0 and 6;11, in relation to the production of direct object and prepositional object relative clauses. According to Friedmann, Belletti and Rizzi (2009), such difficulty arises due to the [+NP] feature present in the relative clause subject and the relativized head. To the authors, the child grammar takes the relative subject as an intervening element that hampers the relativization of the object, resulting in a violation resembling Relativized Minimality (Rizzi, 1990). On the other hand, experimental studies like Gennari and Macdonald (2008) indicate that such difficulty is absent in object relatives featuring an animate subject and an inanimate relativized head. Based on these studies, we designed an elicited production task with pairs of pictures. In our experimental material, we controlled the animacy feature in both the relative subject and the relativized head, so as to check which animacy configurations render the object relatives more difficult. Our results suggest that direct object relatives become more difficult when they feature an inanimate subject. That happens because the subject position is typically filled by an animate argument (Becker, 2014). The frequent use of avoidance strategies in these relatives indicates that animacy plays a determining role in facilitating or hindering the production of direct object relatives. Regarding the prepositional object relatives, our results indicate that all the animacy configurations were difficult for our research subjects, so that animacy does not play a determining role in the production of these relatives. We suggest that a number of things might be involved in the difficulty observed in these constructions: the absence of relatives featuring prepositional pied-piping in the speech of adults; the bigger derivational simplicity in prepositional relatives with a null or a pronounced resumptive (Roeper (2003); Lessa de Oliveira (2008)); relatives featuring prepositional pied-piping require formal learning (Corrêa (1998); Guasti e Cardinaletti (2003)).

本論文是以Kellerman (1978) 的U型學習理論為基礎做擴大研究。本篇論文旨在探討英文程度不同的中文為母語之人士，在學習非賓格不及物動詞時是否也會出現U型曲線，除此之外，非賓格不及物動詞與非賓格及物動詞，被動態，主詞生命度之間的互動也將做討論。 在這個研究中，我們採用語法判斷(Grammaticality judgment)來測試受測者對於非賓格不及物動詞的理解和中英轉譯(Chinese to English translation)來測試受測者對於主詞生命度和主被動態之間的影響。此研究共有123位受測者，他們根據學習英文的長短被分為四個組別，分別是低、低中、中、與中高程度。 此研究可歸納為以下結論。(1) 不同英文程度的中文為母語之人士，在學習英文非賓格不及物動詞時也會出現U型曲線。此即意味著U型曲線不僅僅出現在母語為荷蘭語學習非賓格及物動詞Break的學習上，更可擴大到母語為中文學習非賓格不及物動詞上。(2) 中文為母語之人士無法正確使用非賓格及物動詞，並且會把非賓格及物動詞當作非賓格不及物動詞。(3) 在學習非賓格不及物動詞中，主詞生命度確實會影響學習者使用主被動態之不同。當主詞有生命時，句子傾向使用主動態，當主詞是無生命時，句子傾向使用被動態。 / The study is based on Kellerman’s (1978) U-shaped leaning on break to do further study. The study aims to examine if the learning of non-alternating unaccsatives for L2 Chinese learners of English with different proficiency presents a U-shaped curve. In addition, the interactions among alternating unaccusatives, non-alternating unaccusatives, passives and animacy effect are discussed as well. In the study, we use grammaticality judgment task to test participants’ understanding of non-alternating unaccusatives, and adopt Chinese to English translation task to test animacy effect in non-alternating unaccusatives. 123 participants involve the experiment of the study. Among these participants, they are classified as four groups, low, low-intermediate, intermediate, and high-intermediate, according to how long they studied English. The results of the study are summarized as follows. (1) There is a U-shaped curve in learning of non-alternating unaccusatives for L2 Chinese speakers learning English. It suggested that U-shaped learning is not only in alternating unaccusatives break in L1 Dutch but also in non-alternating unaccusatives in L1 Chinese. (2) For L2 learners, they are unable to use alternating unaccusatives correctly and tend to view alternating unaccusatives as non-alternating ones. (3) Animacy effect does influence the choices of voice forms. The study showed that participants tend to use active voice while the subject is animate and prefer to use passive voice while the subject is inanimate.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

The present dissertation investigates grammatical gender representation and processing in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) as a first (L1) and a second (L2) language. It mainly examines whether L2 can process gender agreement in a native-like manner, and the extent to which L2 processing is influenced by the properties of the L2 speakers’ L1. Additionally, it examines whether L2 gender agreement processing is influenced by noun animacy (animate and inanimate) and word order (verb-subject and subject-verb). A series of experiments using both online and offline techniques were conducted to address these questions. In all of the experiments, gender agreement between verb and nouns was examined. The first series of experiments examined native speakers of MSA (n=49) using a self-paced reading task (SPR), an event-related potential (ERP) experiment, and a grammaticality judgment (GJ) task. Results of these experiments revealed that native speakers were sensitive to grammatical violations. Native speakers showed longer reaction times (RT) in the SPR task, and a P600 effect in the ERP, in responses to sentences with mismatched gender agreement as compared to sentences with matched gender agreement. They also performed at ceiling in the GJ task. The second series of experiments examined L2 speakers of MSA (n=74) using an SPR task, and a GJ task. Both experiments included adult L2 speakers whom were divided into two subgroups, -Gender and +Gender, based on whether or not their L1s has a grammatical gender system. The results of both experiments revealed that both groups were sensitive to gender agreement violations. The L2 speakers showed longer RTs, in the SPR task, in responses to sentences with mismatched gender agreement as compared to sentences with matched gender agreement. No difference was found between the L2 groups in this task. The L2 speakers also performed well in the GJ task, as they were able to correctly identify the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences. Interestingly in this task, the -Gender group outperformed +Gender group, which could be due to proficiency in the L2 as the former group obtained a better score on the proficiency task, or it could be that +Gender group showed negative transfer from their L1s. Based on the results of these two experiments, this dissertation argues that late L2 speakers are not restricted to their L1 grammar, and thus, they are able to acquire gender agreement system of their L2 even if this feature is not instantiated in their L1. The results provide converging evidence for the FTFA rather than FFFH model, as it appears that the -Gender group was able to reset their L1 gender parameter according to the L2 gender values. Although the L2 speakers were advanced, they showed slower RTs than the native speakers in the SPR task, and lower accuracy in the GJT. However, it is possible that they are still in the process of acquiring gender agreement of MSA and have not reached their final stage of acquisition. This is supported by the fact that some L2 speakers from both -Gender and +Gender groups performed as well as native speakers in both SPR and GJ tasks. Regarding the effect of animacy, the L2 speakers had slower RT and lower accuracy on sentences with inanimate nouns than on those with animate ones, which is in line with previous L2 studies (Anton-Medez, 1999; Alarcón, 2009; Gelin, & Bugaiska, 2014). The native speakers, on the other hand, showed no effect of animacy in both SPR task and GJT. Further, no N400 effect was observed as a result of semantic gender agreement violations in the ERP experiment. Finally, the results revealed a potential effect of word order. Both the native and L2 speakers showed longer RTs on VS word order than SV word order in the SPR task. Further the native speakers showed earlier and greater P600 effect on VS word order than SV word order in the ERP. This result suggests that processing gender agreement violation is more complex in the VS word order than in the SV word order due to the inherent asymmetry in the subject-verb agreement system in the two-word orders in MSA.

Since the first studies on perceptual causality, there has been a debate about whether or not causality can be directly perceived or if reports of causality are the products of higher level memory and cognition. This dissertation directly tests the relationship between causality, animacy, and higher level cognition for events that entail one and two force interactions. Perceptual causality and animacy were reported in a recognition task where participants viewed animations of single and two force events. The events simulated: interactions that obeyed the laws of physics, interactions that reflected high frequency alternate conceptions found through a pilot study, and a parametrically varied set of angular deviations from the motions in the set that obeyed physics. Results showed that reports of perceptual causality and perceptual animacy were highly negatively correlated. Solutions that likely appeared physically plausible—such as correct physics paths and high frequency alternate conceptions—were rated as high in causality and low in animacy and highly implausible solutions—such as motions 180 degrees from the correct physics path—were rated as low in causality and high in animacy. Higher level cognition was tested through a production task where participants were asked to predict the path they believed a ball would take when acted upon by one or two forces. This task allowed novices to report their conceptions of single and two force interactions. In addition to paths that closely resembled the physically correct path, people also frequently produced paths that had inaccurate angles, that were curved, or that appeared to be determined by the larger or more recent of the two forces. The combined results suggest that higher level cognition played a role in the experience of causality and animacy in the animations, with animation paths similar to those generated during the production task rated higher in naturalness and lower in animacy than other types of paths, but that this effect was dependent on the complexity of the force interaction. Recognition task results for single force and two equal forces facing each other were not predicted by the type of path generated during the production task, but production task results did predict recognition task ratings for all other force relations tested. Different aspects of the data support each of the two sides of the debate; causality may be directly perceived in some, but not all, situations. / Psychology

This study investigates, theoretically and empirically, the role of animacy in the development of gender systems. The theoretical background is a grammaticalisation approach to language change. Concerning gender, this presupposes that classifications begin as semantic distinctions in the realm of animacy with flexible, contextually based agreement between the gender-marking elements. This kind of gender is called contextual gender. In the course of time, these classifications will spread into other areas, they become desemanticized and the agreement relation grammaticalizes into one of government where the inherent gender of the head noun controls the gender of the agreeing elements, irrespective of contextual factors When this leads to a great number of violations of the principles of contextual agreement in the realm of animacy, a new cycle of semantic classification will begin, creating layers of classifications. For German and Swedish two different layers are discerned respectively. The empirical starting point of this project was the observation of two opposite developments in the area of female person reference in Germany and Sweden. As a consequence of feminist critique of language, mainly targeted at the use of socalled masculine generics, in Germany the use of female gender-specific nouns increased substantially, the major means being female derivation with –in, so-called motion. Although similar means for female derivation exist in Swedish, i.e. -inna and -ska, the number of derivations used is decreasing. In order to isolate socio-cultural and historical facts from language-internal mechanisms behind the diverging tendencies, a historical sketch of the development of equal rights, of language criticism and of the development of the female suffixes is drawn for the respective countries. It is obvious, that the German strategy to achieve gender-fair language use is established by making women visible by means of motion, while in Sweden the use of gender-neutral forms for a long period of time has been regarded as a sign of equality. This ‘neutral’ use of former masculine and male-specific forms has been made possible by the merging of the two nominal genders masculine and feminine into uter (Sw. utrum). A contrastive study of comparable German and Swedish newspaper texts shows that the lack of motion in Swedish is partly compensated by composition and attribution with gender-specific lexemes. Still, the 64% gender-specific noun phrases in Swedish cannot compare with the 95% in German. But the use of gender-specific forms for well over half of the person references calls into doubt the general opinion shared by most Swedes that Swedish has a gender-neutral person reference system. Linguistic asymmetry persists as long as gender-specification is restricted to one half of the gendered population, whatever the means for specification. The almost exclusive use of gender-specific forms in German is seen as indicative of a grammaticalisation process. Haspelmaths invisible hand explanation of grammaticalisation is used to show how the development of -in in German fulfils just about every requirement on a grammaticalisation process – language-external as well as -internal – while -inna and -ska neither are promoted sufficiently by the speech community nor does there exist a paradigm that could accommodate them. In contrast to Swedish, where the suffixes remain strictly derivational, it is demonstrated that -in is turning into an inflectional marker. The German gender sub-system for person reference is developing into a semantically based system with genderflexible person denominations. A study of the pronouns agreeing with non-personal-agents in a parallel corpus of EU-documents shows that other aspects than purely referential or formal ones impinge on the choice of agreement forms. Non-personal-agents in certain contexts expose both agency and intentionality, which turns them into suitable agreement partners for animate pronouns. In Swedish, all animate pronouns are sexed, leaving a “Leerstelle” for these inanimate but agentive and intentional referents. In German, this problem is covered by the polysemy of the personal pronouns. Non-personal-agents are shown to be one possiblesource for the spreading of a linguistic innovation from the realm of animacy into inanimate contexts via semantic and thematic roles that share important features with animates proper. The last study makes use of different types of German monolingual corpora in order to investigate the agreement between inanimate nouns with female inherent gender – from non-personal-agents and abstracts to concrete nouns – and agent nouns which can potentially expose agreement by female derivation. Although the results are rather heterogeneous, they allow the formulation of the hypothesis that agreement is more likely to occur with nouns for which a metaphorical bridge to stereotypical conceptions of femininity can be constructed and that key collocations with high frequency such as die Kirche als Trägerin or die DNA als Trägerin der Erbinformation contribute significantly to the spread of the agreement pattern.