Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.

This thesis describes Japan's modern system of community fire brigades, a federated civilian paramilitary organization dedicated to localized fire prevention and response with a current active membership of over 800,000 men and women. Auxiliary firefighting institutions in Japan have had comparatively high rates of participation vis-à-vis those of other nations, but are now facing acute recruitment difficulties in the face of increased competition from alternative venues for civic engagement since the mid-1990s. This suggests both the tractability of civil society as an extra-statal sphere of institutionalized social organization as well as the inherent pluralism of its vernacular expression. I demonstrate that the nationalization of the fire brigade system in 1894 was predicated on the existence of an autonomous and normative sphere of age-graded practices of inter-household mutual aid in the villages of Tokugawa Japan. The gradual absorption and redirection of these practices into the nation-building projects of the Meiji state and its successors realized the creation of a functional emergency service organ with universal penetration at minimal expense. Nevertheless, drawing on Maurice Bloch's theory of rebounding violence, I argue that the secular rituals and state symbolism used to achieve this encompassment have conferred a legacy of structural ambivalence between civility and uncivility that continues to inform perceptions and representations of the brigade in public discourse. It follows that the phenomenon of organizational aging and questions of recruitment and succession should be seen as ideological in nature, rather than as simple indices of wider demographics or social transformation. This thesis is based on data collected during twenty months of research in Japan between 2008 and 2010, including eleven months of continuous participant observation with a brigade in Suwa District, Nagano Prefecture. Extensive ethnographic interviews with local firefighters, community members, and town officials are supplemented with data from primary and secondary historical sources, including online discussion forums. This thesis contributes to the literature on local voluntarism in Japan, as well as to the wider anthropological project of documenting non-western models of civil society.

No description available.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 博士(地球環境学) / 乙第13381号 / 論地環博第14号 / 新制||地環||39(附属図書館) / (主査)准教授 SINGER JANE, 教授 宇佐美 誠, 講師 BAARS ROGER CLOUD / 学位規則第4条第2項該当 / Doctor of Global Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

This thesis makes two related arguments regarding the academic field of migration and refugee studies (MARS) and the control of migration by UK state agencies. The first, and more empirical one, is that the former facilitated the latter: the field’s members provided symbolic, technical, and pedagogic assistance to two non-departmental public bodies in controlling migration. The second, and more theoretical, argument of this thesis is that MARS facilitated migration control because of culture, power, and structure. It is through the field’s implication in the coercion of its human subjects by UK state agencies that MARS academics a) answered their calling, b) assisted class rule as ideologists, and c) separated sacred and profane by policing endogamy. The introduction describes the existing literature on the relationship between MARS and migration control. The consensus is that the former facilitated the latter. However, these studies fail to provide detailed accounts of the ways in which it did so. Chapter One defines the elements of my more empirical argument: MARS and migration control. An historical narrative outlines the institutional development of the field since its beginnings in the early 1980s. Then a new model for understanding migration control – i.e., migrant CODAR – is described. Chapter Two uses this model to trace the actor network through which MARS academics facilitated the restriction of their human subjects’ mobility by the UK state agencies of the Advisory Panel on Country Information and the Migration Advisory Committee. Chapters Three, Four, and Five use Weberian, Marxist, and Durkheimian anthropological approaches (respectively) to explain the implication of MARS and migration control that is described in Chapters One and Two. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses its contributions to both more particular (i.e., the literature surveyed in the introduction on MARS and migration control) and more general (i.e., anthropology) scholarly fields.

This thesis is an institutional ethnography of the Nigeria Police Force. It concentrates on evidence from 18 months of fieldwork in one particular police station, in the pseudonymised town of Dutsin Bature in central Nigeria, and draws comparative evidence from examples and locations elsewhere in Nigeria. The fieldwork evidence is also supported by analyses of public discourse, literature reviews, some formal interviews and historical research. The thesis aims to fill a gap in empirical scholarship by looking at policing in Nigeria primarily from the level of everyday practice, and deriving understandings of the ways the overall system works, rather than by taking normative structural approaches and basing suppositions of actual behaviour upon these. It also aims to document emic perspectives on policing in Nigeria, in contrast to most existing scholarship and public discourse which takes an external perspective, from which the voices and worldviews of police themselves are absent. The thesis situates this ethnography within three theoretical terrains. First, developing understandings of policing and public security in Africa, which have often neglected in-depth studies of formal police forces. Secondly, enlarging the ethnographic study of formal institutions in African states, to develop a closer understanding of what state systems are and how they function, beyond the overtly dysfunctionalist perspectives which have dominated recent scholarship. Thirdly, informing ongoing debates over state and society in Africa, problematising understandings which see these as separate entities instead of mutually constitutive, and drawing attention to the ways in which the two interpenetrate and together mould the public sphere. The thesis begins with a historical overview of the trajectory of formal policing in Nigeria, then examines public understandings and representations of policing, before moving inside the institutional boundaries, considering in turn the human composition of the police, training and character formation, the way police officers do their work in Dutsin Bature, Nigerian police officers’ preoccupation with risk and the systemic effects of their efforts to mitigate it, and finally officers’ subjective perspectives on their work, their lived realities, and on Nigeria in an era of transition. These build together to suggest some conclusions pertinent to the theoretical perspectives.

This thesis offers a critical assessment of anti- child trafficking discourse, policy and practice, using a case study of the situation in Southern Benin. It seeks to achieve two main goals. First, to transcend the reductiveness of the dominant paradigm around child trafficking, including dominant representations of it and prevailing policy approaches to dealing with it. Second, to complicate the simplistic nature of much of the academic literature that explains the existence and persistence of this dominant paradigm. Based on 14 months of multi-sited fieldwork, the thesis demonstrates, first, that the institutional narrative of ‘child trafficking’ misrepresents what would be better understood as adolescent labour migration in Benin, and second, that mainstream policy approaches to tackling this fail to account for the sociocultural or political-economic conditions that underpin it. The thesis suggests that this can be interpreted as a result of the power of three framing orders of discourse – ‘Apollonian Childhood’, Neoliberalism and that of the Westphalian State – which structure both what ‘trafficking’ can mean and what can be done about it. The thesis suggests that the material and power structures of the anti-trafficking discourse- and policy-making field are such that, even where individuals within it reject both the dominant paradigm and its (and the field’s) framing orders of discourse, little space exists for them to construct meaningful alternatives. The result is a degree of formal and representational stability, hiding practical hybridity. The conclusion is offered that, while anti-trafficking discourse is presumed to be accurate and while antitrafficking policy is justified in terms of its contribution to ‘beneficiaries’, theprinciple achievement of both is the depoliticised reproduction of the institutions, orders of discourse and political-economic context within which they are constructed.

This thesis is based on a particular domain of anthropological inquiry, the anthropology of policy, which proposes that policy be contemplated as an ethnographic object itself. The policy I consider is Australia's refugee policy, which advocates the mandatory detention of

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Die Dissertation zeigt am Fallbeispiel Berlin, wie stadttouristische Konflikte politisch-administrativ (ent-)problematisiert werden. Die Forschung zur Governance konflikthafter touristischer Phänomene (z. B. Gewerbe-Monostrukturierung) betreibt bislang v. a. good governance-Kritik, oder sie thematisiert die Konflikt-Governance zeitdiagnostisch als Ausdruck unternehmerischer/postpolitischer Stadtpolitiken. Demgegenüber greift die Dissertation das konzeptuell etablierte Postulat auf, bereits die Deutung zu bearbeitender Probleme als zentralen Aspekt von Governance zu verstehen. In der empirisch-analytischen Anwendung wird der Governance-Begriff als „Sehhilfe“ zur differenzierten Beschreibung von problembezogenen Governance-Arrangements herangezogen. Mittels einer Dokumentenanalyse und einer Ethnografie der Tourismusmanagement-Praxis werden sechs einschlägige Techniken der (Ent-)Problematisierung tourismusbedingter Konflikte herausgearbeitet: 1. die geschichtliche Naturalisierung von Interessenskonflikten, 2. die moralische Begrenzung von Debattierbarkeit, 3. die statistische Definition von Problemwahrnehmung, 4. die konzeptuelle Regulierung von Rechenschaftspflichten, 5. die partizipatorische Thematisierung von Problemen und 6. die begriffliche Konsensualisierung von Lösungen. Das Zusammenwirken dieser Governance-Techniken wird in Anlehnung an Mariana Valverde als ein Seeing Like a Tourist City betitelt: Probleme eines konflikthaften Tourismus sind nicht gegeben, sie werden politisch-administrativ mit diversen (teils widersprüchlichen) komplexitätsreduzierenden Mitteln geformt (u. a. moralisch, statistisch, geschichtlich), kontextspezifisch artikuliert (u. a. öffentlich-medial, in Partizipationsforen), verfahrensförmig negiert und nicht zuletzt in Abhängigkeit verfügbarer Lösungen hervorgebracht. Anwendungsorientiert gewendet macht die Dissertation das Zusammenwirken der o. g. Techniken als aktives Verwalten tourismusbedingter Konflikte (an-)greifbar. / The thesis explores how conflictive urban tourism phenomena (e. g. commercial gentrification) are (de-)problematized by governmental actors in Berlin. Hitherto, research on “overtourism”-governance has been dominated by good governance criticism; alternatively, governance of conflict-prone urban tourism is discussed as manifestation of an entrepreneurial or post-political urban governance. The thesis, however, seizes on the conceptual claim to understand the way in which tourism conflicts are framed, constructed or contested by governmental bodies as key aspect of governance. Employing the notion of governance as analytical lens to comprehensively describe problem-oriented governance settings, six key techniques used to (de-)problematize tourism-induced conflicts haven been identified (building on document analysis and an ethnography of destination management practice): 1. Mobilising history to naturalise conflicts; 2. Limiting the debate about conflict-prone tourism under moral aspects; 3. Defining the perception of problems statistically; 4. Adjusting accountability conceptually; 5. Addressing problems by means of participatory forums; 6. Achieving consensual solutions by notions (e. g. “sustainability”). Referring to Valverde the combination of the governance techniques is dubbed as Seeing Like a Tourist City: problems of conflictive tourism do not exist a priori, but are constructed in an active political-administrative way. Problems of conflictive tourism are framed by (in part contractionary) ways of knowing (morally, statistically, by legends); conflicts are represented in highly context-specific manners, they are denied by administrative proceedings and intimately linked to the availability of solutions. The combination of the above-mentioned governance techniques represents an “active administration” of tourism conflicts; the „busy“ but noncommittal governance remains in well-established patterns of (discursively) reconciling problems and solutions.