This thesis utilizes a reproductive justice framework to discuss the impact of anti-abortion legislation and the anti-abortion movement on women of color and low-income women, arguing that reduced access to abortion is oppressive to minority women. Chapter 1 outlines the theoretical framework of this thesis, focusing on feminist Marxism, Intersectionality, Critical Race Theory, and radical and third wave feminist perspectives. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the anti-abortion movement and the major state and federal laws and court cases that have defined women's access to abortion in the United States, including Roe v Wade, the Hyde Amendment, Planned Parenthood v Casey, and TRAP laws. Chapter 3 discusses the oppressive effects of these laws by connecting anti-abortion legislation and the anti-abortion movement to larger historical systems of oppression and examining the effect of reduced access to abortion on women's reproductive choices and socioeconomic status. This chapter argues that reduced access to abortion is oppressive because it encourages sterilization among minority women who may have chosen other birth control options given the choice, and funnels minority women into an oppressive and exploitative US welfare system. Chapter 4 discusses minority women's potential to overcome this oppression and examines some real-world examples of reproductive rights activism. This thesis expands the current discussion on abortion access by centering the discussion on minority women and arguing that reduced access to abortion is systematically oppressive rather than simply discriminatory.

The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine psychological processes that can contribute to religiously motivated violence from a psychology of religion perspective in relation to the collective meaning-system of the Christian militant anti-abortion movement the Army of God. The study applied a single-case design and the data was collected through semi-structured interviews with 3 prominent figures within Army of God, as well as through 43 qualitative documents and 4 autobiographical books. The collected data was analyzed through a deductive approach, implementing the concept of sanctification, social identity theory, selective moral disengagement, and the Staircase to Terrorism model. The results show that the collective meaning-system of the Army of God can be understood as a form of religious fundamentalism that acts as a frame that binds the members together, and from which social categorization and group identification can induce acts of violence. The results also demonstrate that abortion is perceived as a grave injustice and destruction of something sacred, and how it leads to a moral outrage and aggression by constituting a threat towards one’s social identity. This threat moves the individuals towards a ‘black-and-white’ and ‘the ends justify the means’ mentality. The act of violence is further prompted by a perceived duty from God and facilitated by a dehumanization of the perceived enemy. The findings of the study address the need of primary empirical data in the psychological research of violent extremism. Furthermore, it brings further knowledge regarding religiously motivated violence and leaderless resistance by taking into account the search for significance and sacred values. In contrast to previous research the current study also demonstrates that a leader or a well-structured group is not necessarily a key factor when explaining religiously motivated violence from a social psychological perspective. This can contribute to the theoretical understanding regarding social identity and a collective meaning-making in relation to violent extremism and lone-wolf terrorism.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att generera kunskap om det samtida abortmotståndet i Sverige genom att undersöka samtida och svensk abortkritisk diskurs, samt hur diskursen framställer abort som fenomen. Empirin har bestått utav texter från två abortkritiska organisationer: ”Ja till livet” och ”Människorätt för ofödda”. Studiens teoretiska utgångspunkt har varit en Foucault-inspirerad diskursteori, och empirin har analyserats med hjälp av en diskursanalys. Resultaten visar att den samtida abortkritiska diskursen i Sverige innefattar ett centralt element inom vilket fostret definieras som ett ofött barn, och därigenom konstrueras fostret som en egen individ med ett essentiellt människovärde. Vidare framställs abort som mord, likväl som en oansvarig och moraliskt felaktig handling. Däremot framställs fullföljandet av en graviditet och sedermera att axla föräldraskapet som det främsta sättet att ta ansvar. Ytterligare resultat identifierar ett element där abortkritik definieras i termer av kvinnans bästa; ett element inom vilket abort konstrueras som skadligt för kvinnor, och kvinnor konstrueras som offer inför abort och aborttvång. Slutligen hävdar diskursen sanningsanspråk genom hänvisningar till vetenskaplig kunskap och moraliska övertygelser; och genom att framställa diskursens världsbild som objektiv sanning så utmanas den allmänna svenska diskursen. / The purpose of this study has been to generate knowledge regarding the contemporary anti-abortion movement in Sweden, by examining the contemporary anti-abortion discourse and it’s construction of abortion as a phenomenon. The empirics has included texts from two anti-abortion organisations: ”Ja till livet” and ”Människorätt för ofödda”. The study has relied on a theoretical base of discourse theory inspired by Foucault, and the empirics have been examined through a discourse analysis. The results shows that the contemporary anti-abortion discourse in Sweden relies on a central element where the feetus is referred to as an unborn child, and therefore constructed as a person with an essential human worth. Furthermore, abortion is presented as an act of murder, as well as irresponsible and morally wrong. The act of carrying the pregnancy to term and then caring for the child is however presented as the ultimate way to take responsibility. In addition to this, a ”pro-woman”-element constitutes the discourse; constructing abortion as harmful to women, and women as victims of both abortion and coercion. Finally, the discourse claims its veracity by referring to science and moral convictions, and by claiming its view of the world as objectively true, the popular discourse on abortion is challenged.

Unsafe abortion is a worldwide reproductive health issue and a contributing factor of high numbers of maternal death in the developing world. Many international conferences and assemblies acknowledge the issue and urge governments to take action. Abortion is a phenomenon surrounded by strong opinions, many times regulated by restrictive laws as well as socio-ethical, religious and cultural norms. Factors often active in making abortion a clandestine procedure which take place under unsafe conditions.The Philippines have one of the most restrictive laws on abortion in the world, but it does not diminish the occurrence of abortion in the country. There is unmet need for family planning that in turn makes way for unwanted pregnancies ending in unsafe abortion. Attempts in congress aiming at providing universal reproductive health service are being opposed and the issue of abortion is surrounded by its criminal ban and a great social stigma. The Roman Catholic Church is very present in the Philippine society and also offers a powerful voice against abortion and equally rejects modern contraception.This study look into how the issue of abortion – under its criminal ban – is being dealt with and if there are any actors/groups/organisations of social work, within the reproductive health sector or women’s organisations acting upon this, making abortion an issue and a part of their work. It asks if there is any advocacy for abortion in the Philippines and any interventions for the women concerned. If so, how is abortion spoken about and understood and how is that notion put into action? Groups are identified as either anti-abortion or pro-abortion, two discourses addressing abortion as a public health issue in fundamentally different ways.There are groups that might not be public about their opinion being pro-abortion, as they do not wish to get on the wrong side of the general opinion or negatively affect their reputation. Some pro-abortion groups are found acting against the law by providing safe abortions for these women. Trough social constructivist glasses this study look at the structure surrounding abortion in the Philippines, analysing how these discourses are being reconstructed and transferred under different postulations as anti-abortion or pro-abortion.