Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Walter da Silva Oliveira.pdf: 1261888 bytes, checksum: 6b43d6e68524912a8e15214b5625cd92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-12 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / The objective of this dissertation is to reflect on the presence of short stories and romances in the Feuilleton section of the periodical A Lanterna, in the period between 1909 and 1916. It looks at the uses that were made of this anticlerical literature, at times more explicitly doctrinaire anarchist, in the sense of propagating libertarian ideas. It takes into consideration the playful aspect of these narratives, as a strategy for the diffusion of anarchist propaganda, making it possible to observe the practices and social experiences of the editorial group of the periodical in question. Also, it attempts a reading of the messages conveyed, focusing the reflection on anarchism, on anticlericalism, on the representations of masculinity and femininity and on the sensibilities conveyed in these short stories and romances / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo refletir sobre a presença de contos e romances na seção Folhetim do periódico A Lanterna, no período entre 1909 e 1916. Lança um olhar sobre os usos que se fizeram dessa literatura anticlerical, por vezes, mais explicitamente doutrinária anarquista, no sentido da divulgação das idéias libertárias. Leva em consideração o aspecto lúdico dessas narrativas, como estratégia de divulgação da propaganda anarquista, possibilitando observar as práticas e experiências sociais do grupo editor do periódico em questão. Busca-se, ainda, fazer uma leitura sobre as mensagens veiculadas, centrando a reflexão no anarquismo, no anticlericalismo, nas representações de masculino e feminino e nas sensibilidades veiculadas nestes contos e romances

This thesis is an exploration of the motives, mentalities and collective identities which lay behind acts of popular anticlerical violence and iconoclasm during the pre-war Spanish Second Republic (1931-1936) and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). The five year period following the proclamation of the democratic Second Republic in April 1931 was marked by physical assaults upon the property and public ritual of the Spanish Catholic Church. These grassroots attacks were generally carried out by rural and urban anticlerical workers who were frustrated by the Republic's practical inability to tackle the Church's vast power. On 17-18 July 1936, a rightwing military rebellion divided Spain geographically, provoking the radical fragmentation of power in territory which remained under Republican authority. The coup marked the beginning of a conflict which developed into a full-scale civil war. Anticlerical protagonists, with the reconfigured structure of political opportunities working in their favour, participated in an unprecedented wave of iconoclasm and violence against the clergy. During the first six months of the conflict, innumerable religious buildings were destroyed and almost 7,000 religious personnel were killed. This thesis challenges standard interpretations which link these acts to irrationality, criminality and primitiveness. It focuses directly upon the agents of anticlerical violence, exploring the connections between the anticlerical outpouring of July 1936 and those forms of anticlericalism that were already emerging before the coup. It argues that Spanish popular anticlericalism was a phenomenon which was undergoing a radical process of reconfiguration during the first three decades of the twentieth century. During a period of rapid social, cultural and political change, anticlerical acts took on new, explicitly political meanings, becoming both a catalyst and a symptom of social change. After 17-18 July 1936, anticlerical violence became an implicitly constructive force for many of its protagonists: an instrument with which to build a new society.

Les quarante-cinq premières années de la Troisième République se caractérisent par une politique de laïcisation touchant de nombreux domaines, à commencer par l’éducation, politique qui culmine en 1905 avec la loi de Séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat. La ville de Lyon, qui avait connu durant les deux premiers tiers du XIXème siècle une renaissance particulièrement forte du catholicisme, se manifestant par la création d’œuvres dynamiques, se voit confrontée en retour à une vague particulièrement puissante d’anticléricalisme. La confrontation des deux groupes idéologiquement opposés, que l’on peut nommer « clérical » et « anticlérical », détermine toute une succession de crises, d’accalmies, de recompositions, dont les spécificités lyonnaises ne pas toujours liées à celles du contexte national. Dans ses aspects concrets, cette lutte n’est pas perçue de la même façon chez tous ceux qui se rassemblent autour de l'étiquette « anticléricale » : les ouvriers de la Guillotière n’ont pas les mêmes griefs à formuler contre le clergé que les radicaux du « Comité de la rue de Grôlée ». Néanmoins, autant l’anticléricalisme reste assez simple à définir, autant le cléricalisme se révèle plus difficile à appréhender : il dépend d’abord du regard de l’autre, notamment de l’anticlérical. Les diverses manifestations de défense religieuse d’un catholicisme qui se perçoit alors volontiers comme une citadelle assiégée, les multiples attaques contre le clergé, voire contre la religion, des hommes au pouvoir, s’inscrivent à Lyon, sur la longue durée, dans le droit fil d’une série de luttes, d’insurrections et de répressions, dont chaque camp revendique - ou non - la postérité idéologique. / One of the main features of the first forty five years of the Third Republic is a policy of secularization in many fields, beginning with education and reaching its climax in 1905 when the law on the separation between church and state was passed (given the French context at the time, it especially targeted the catholic church). During the first two thirds of the XIXth century Lyons had known a strong revival of Catholicism which manifested itself by the creation of dynamic charitable organizations. The town then had to face a sudden increase of anticlericalism. The confrontation between two groups that were politically opposed – let us name them “clerical” and “anticlerical” – sparked crisis after crisis, followed by lulls and reconstructions, all these being sometimes different from what was happening at the national level, due to the particular characteristics of the town. In concrete terms not all that had gathered under the banner of anti-clericalism held the same opinion about the struggle: the workers in the district of La Guillotière did not hold the same grievances against the clergy as the radicals in the “rue de Grôlée committee”. Yet, although anticlericalism can be easily defined, clericalism proves more difficult to apprehend: in the first place it depends on the perception the others, and more specifically those who support the anticlerical faction, have of us. Catholicism then tends to see itself as a besieged fortress and the different manoeuvres set up to defend its religion, the numerous attacks against the clergy, even against religion from men in power are, in Lyons, quite in keeping with a long succession of struggles, insurrections and suppressions of which each side claims -or does not claim- the ideological posterity.