The purpose of this essay is to study if and how five South African educators work with music as a special pedagogical tool in children's language development. To achieve the purpose of this study, two research questions were created. As method, interviews of a qualitative character were chosen.  The aim of the method is to give the educators the opportunity to think about and use their own experience before answering the questions. The result shows that the South African educators are not using music as a special educational tool. They rather use music as an everyday educational tool to promote children's language development. The result indicates that music in educational activities promotes children’s communication with each other. Through music, children also develop their body language. As a general educational tool, music becomes important for children’s development.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This dissertation examines the development of Holocaust education in South Africa, specifically in the period of political transition to democracy and the two decades after apartheid. The history of placing the Holocaust in post-apartheid South Africa shows the dynamics and tensions of identity construction by the state, communities and individuals as the country emerged from a history of violent conflict. Holocaust education was claimed by the newly democratic state as a vehicle of reconciliation. Using archival material, interviews and secondary sources, I examine how a minority community’s project of building a permanent Holocaust centre, came to be considered as part of a national project of reconciliation. I consider the impact of this framing of Holocaust education and the tensions that arose as the Cape Town Holocaust Centre’s founders attempted to define and contain, the place of apartheid in Holocaust memory. Holocaust education shaped the development of post-apartheid identities. It contributed to a collective memory of apartheid by suggesting a particular collective memory of the Holocaust. The Cape Town Holocaust Centre provided the South African Jewish community with a legitimate identity in post-apartheid South Africa and a way to bypass an examination of the implications of having benefited from apartheid. I examine the tensions and contradictions within this construction of the collective memory of the Holocaust and apartheid, and consider the implications for the process of justice, memory and history in South Africa as it emerged from apartheid.

This dissertation concerns the history of land politics in South Africa and, equally, land as a vehicle for understanding the transition from apartheid to the post-apartheid order. In 2004, after a decade in power, the ANC government’s failure to carry out widespread land reform began to test the country’s democratic possibilities. In the lead up to that year’s national election, social movements urged landless people to boycott the polls and occupy land instead as part of a “No Land! No Vote!” campaign. With this clash as its entry point for analysis, this dissertation examines historical factors that have shaped South Africa’s neoliberal democracy and prospects for redistribution. It offers insights into some of the most significant questions facing the country: What is the historical relationship between land dispossession, citizenship, and politics in South Africa? And why, well into the Mbeki years, was the country unable, or unwilling, to reckon with it? Broad in scope, this dissertation examines a number of institutions that shaped the politics of land, economic development, and citizenship in South Africa over the last century. It is particularly focused on period of the 1940s-2004, encompassing the apartheid era and the first ten years of democracy. I begin by recasting the history of apartheid pass laws in the mid-twentieth century, widening the scope beyond their role in containing labor mobility and controlling access to cities. I show how vagrancy laws were one piece of a continuum that stretched through jails and prisons to rural plantations, supplying labor to farms and subsidizing agricultural development. Later chapters examine how, beginning in the 1970s, the World Bank and other international institutions helped shape the contours of land and housing policies and the relationship between states and citizens. My research also shows how, during the apartheid transition and through the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, private prisons and harsh criminal justice reforms became integral parts of neoliberal economic development. This dissertation weaves together the history that has shaped South Africa’s ‘dispossessed democracy’ and concludes with a discussion of the implications for social movements and political change.

This study examines anti-apartheid documentary production in South Africa between 1977 and 1987. These documentaries were produced by a variety of producers in order to record aspects of South Africa's contemporary social history, and as a means of contributing - in some way - to changing the conditions described. While the 'content' of the documentaries is historical and social, and their intention political, this study is aimed at elucidating how a documentary, as a representational system, produces meaning. The study is therefore located within the discourse of film studies. My study is based on the theory that a documentary is the embodiment of several relationships: the relationship between social reality and documentary producers; the social relationships engaged in, in the production of the text; the relationship between the text and its audience 1, and the relationship between the audience and its social context. This informs my methodological approach in which analysis appropriate to each area of study is used. Using secondary sources obtained through standard library research, I pursue social and historical analysis of the 1970s and 1980s in order to contextualise both the producers of the documentaries, and their audience. The social relations of production of a text are examined using material gathered through extensive interviews with the producers and published secondary material. How this impinges on the documentary is ascertained through detailed textual analysis of 30 documentaries. For analytical clarity each chapter focuses on a specific aspect of documentary - although I do show how the various relationships impinge on each other. This research finds that the documentaries faithfully reflect the anti-apartheid ideology dominant in the extra-parliamentary opposition in the period under discussion - to the extent that all forms of consciousness are framed by this discourse. An examination of the textual strategies used shows that they are bound by the conventions of broadcast television. They therefore construct a spectator-text relationship which is not consistent with the political concern that democratic relationships be established as the basis of a post-apartheid society. In other words, there is an inconsistency between the ideology espoused, and the way in which film- and videomakers, in their specialised field of production, practise their politics. This can be attributed to the over-riding political intention of the documentarists 'to record' what is happening, and to establish a popular archive which can be used by extra-parliamentary opposition groups in their struggle against apartheid.

Ao longo destes quase vinte anos após o fim do apartheid, é perceptível que a África do Sul se tornou cada vez mais presente no continente africano. Seja na esfera econômica e/ou na política, tanto no âmbito regional quanto continental, é fato que o interesse em atuar na África passou a ser preponderante para a política externa sul-africana. Em contrapartida a tal envolvimento, as respostas por parte de alguns países africanos nem sempre foram às esperadas por Pretoria, uma vez que a inserção sul-africana esteve acompanhada por desconfianças e questionamentos acerca do papel, das oportunidades e dos interesses sul- africanos no continente. Nesse sentido, é baseado nesta complexa interação que o trabalho em referência tem como objetivo central analisar a política externa da África do Sul para o continente africano. Através de revisão bibliográfica de caráter variado, como relatórios, discursos presidenciais, documentos oficiais advindos de Organizações Internacionais e do governo sul-africano, livros e artigos encontrados em Centros de Estudos Africanos e em Revistas acadêmicas especializadas na área, pretende-se defender a hipótese de que a África do Sul pós-apartheid abriu mão de uma possível tendência hegemônica e voltou-se a pacificação e ao desenvolvimento do continente. / During almost the past 20 years after the end of apartheid, South Africa has affirmed its presence more and more in African continent. In the economic and political sphere, either in regional scope or continental one, we can notice that the interest in acting in Africa has become predominant in South African foreign affairs. On the other hand, the relationships with some African countries and their reactions were not always the expected ones, considering that the South African insertion was attended by distrust and questioning about the South African role, opportunities and interests in the continent. In this sense, it is based on this complex dynamic that the following work presents the main objective of analyzing the foreign policy of South Africa into the post-apartheid and defend that the country gave up on a possible hegemonic approach to focus on the pacification and development of the continent. The methodology was worked through a revision of a variety of bibliography, such as reports, official documents from South African government and related International Organizations, books and articles from Center of Africa Studies and specialized publishers in this mentioned topic.

Thesis (M.A. (History)) --University of Limpopo, 2008 / Refer to document

<p>The thesis concerns History teaching in South Africa 1966-2006. Focus lies on the usage of History as a tool of power and empowerment. Primary sources for the survey are textbooks, curricula’s and syllabuses. From a theoretical perspective the thesis discusses power, usage of history and pedagogic literature. The survey is done in a qualitative, hermeneutic way in order to find, discuss and explain underlying structures in the collected data. The thesis results show that History teaching in South Africa was based on an idea of a shared historical consciousness, apartheid, which legitimised the hegemony of the white people. The educational system was an important tool of power and empowerment for the government. The apartheid ideology was reproduced by the pedagogic literature. Today History is a part of Social Sciences and the subject has a focus on natural sciences and technology, which results in certain dilemmas educational-wise.</p>

<p>Sammanfattning</p><p>Syftet med detta examensarbete är att bidra med kunskap om vilka möjligheter, samt svårigheter det finns med att implementera en ny läroplan. För att vidare konkretisera syftet har tre frågeställningar tagits fram:</p><p>1. Vad har verksamma inom skolväsendet i Sydafrika för uppfattningar om den nya läroplanen?</p><p>2. Vilka möjligheter samt hinder ser de verksamma inom skolväsendet i Sydafrika med den nya läroplanen?</p><p>3. Vad har implementeringsarbetet inneburit för de verksamma inom skolväsendet i Sydafrika?</p><p>För att besvara mina frågeställningar så har jag genomfört tre kvalitativa intervjuer. Två av intervjuerna genomförde jag med lärare på en sydafrikansk lågstadieskola, och den tredje med en skolinspektör från det regionala skolkontoret. Förutom intervjuerna har jag även genomfört en strukturerad observation hos de två lärarna jag intervjuade.</p><p>Resultatet av min undersökning visar ett samband mellan den utbildning som givits de verksamma inom skolväsendet i Sydafrika om den nya läroplanen, samt deras inställning till den. Undersökningen visar även att det råder stora skillnader i kvalité mellan olika skolor, och att de fortfarande är de traditionellt svarta skolområdena som tillhandahåller sämre kvalité, på grund av bristande resurser.</p> / <p>Abstract</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to contribute with knowledge about which possibilities and difficulties there is about implementing a new curriculum. To further concrete the purpose, three issues has been developed:</p><p>1. What perceptions do the active in the South African schooling have about the new curriculum?</p><p>2. Which possibilities and difficulties does the active in the South African schooling see with the new curriculum?</p><p>3. What has the implementation work meant to the active in the South African schooling?</p><p>In order to reply to my issues I did three qualitative interviews. Two of the interviews I conducted with teachers of a South African primary school, and the third with a school inspector from the regional school office. Beside the interviews I also did a structured observation of the two teachers I interviewed.</p><p>The result of my study showed a link between the education given to the active in the South African schooling about the new curriculum, and their attitude against it. The study also showed that it occurs big differences in words of quality between different schools, and that it’s still the traditional black school areas that provide lower quality, because of lack of resources.</p>

Die Apartheid in Südafrika war ein Unrechtssystem. Zu den Grausamkeiten des Regimes zählten Massaker, Folter, Mord, Freiheitsberaubung, Zwangsumsiedlung, ökonomische Benachteiligung und alltägliche Diskriminierung. Was nach dem Ende eines solchen Unrechtssystems bleibt, ist die Frage nach dem Umgang mit der Vergangenheit. Die drei grundlegenden Möglichkeiten der Vergangenheitsbewältigung sind die rein justiziare Aufarbeitung, eine Generalamnestie oder ein drittes Modell, das zum Ziel hat, die Vorteile der beiden anderen Strategien zu vereinen. In Südafrika versuchte man, auch als Kompromiss aller Beteiligter, diesen dritten Weg mit der Einrichtung der Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission, die mittlerweile weltweit zum Sinnbild dieser Form der Vergangenheitsbewältigung geworden ist. Das Ziel der Studie war dabei zu klären: War die Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission in Südafrika als Strategie der Vergangenheitsbewältigung erfolgreich? Im Einzelnen widmete sich die TRC in drei Hauptausschüssen (Menschenrechtsausschuss, Amnestieausschuss und Wiedergutmachungsausschuss) den folgenden Zielen: Aufklärung der Menschenrechtsverletzungen, Klärung des Verbleibs verschwundener Personen, Klärung dessen, was während der Apartheid und der Übergangsphase zerstört wurde um die Verbrechen zu verschleiern, Wiedergutmachung für die Opfer und Amnestierung der Täter bei politisch motivierten Taten. Dieser letzte Punkt war jedoch an die völlige Offenlegung der Tat und ein öffentliches Eingeständnis gebunden. Zum einen zeigt die Analyse die großen Erfolge der Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission in Südafrika. Sie hat mehr und vor allem genauere Informationen über die Apartheid zusammengetragen, als je eine andere Untersuchung es geschafft hat. Mit der starken Beteiligung der Bevölkerung am Prozess der Aufklärung konnte sie einen Prozess in Gang bringen, der zur Entstehung einer neuen Menschenrechtskultur beitrug und auch einen Anstoß zur Versöhnung gab. Durch die intensive Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit in einem gesamtgesellschaftlichen Prozess schaffte es die TRC auch, eine politische Kultur anzuregen, die unentbehrlich ist, will man nach einem Unrechtssystem eine demokratische Zukunft aufbauen. Das Verständnis oder zumindest eine Ahnung von dem was Menschenrechtsverletzungen bedeuten, wurde in dieser Zeit tief im Bewusstsein der meisten Südafrikaner verankert. Es wurde eine „operative Wahrheit“ geschaffen, die, wenn auch unter Protesten aller Parteien, letztlich anerkannt wurde und somit ein zukünftiges Leugnen der Apartheidsverbrechen unmöglich machte. Aber auch die Befreiungsbewegungen mussten brutale Verbrechen eingestehen. Zum anderen wird ebenso deutlich, dass die gestellten Anforderungen bei weitem zu hoch waren. Obwohl große Bereiche der alltäglichen Apartheid komplett unberücksichtigt blieben. Bei der Wahrheitsfindung wurde deutlich, dass die drei Ausschüsse weit von einer wirklichen Aufklärung der Untaten der Apartheid entfernt blieben. Auch in Bezug auf die Täter erreichte die Kommission nur zum Teil ihre Ziele. Verglichen mit den aufgeklärten Verbrechen, beantragte nur ein Bruchteil der Täter Amnestie. Die Logik, durch den Anreiz der Straffreiheit eine rege Beteiligung der Täter am Aufklärungsprozess zu erreichen, ging nicht auf. Bei der Wiedergutmachung zeigte sich, dass es einer der größten Konstruktionsfehler der TRC war, die Umsetzung der Entschädigungen dem Parlament und der Regierung zu überlassen. Der Wiedergutmachungsausschuss erarbeitete lediglich Vorschläge an den Präsidenten. Die wurden jedoch nie in dieser Form umgesetzt und stellten damit die TRC als Ganze bei Teilen der schwarzen und farbigen Bevölkerung in Frage. Einen direkten Zusammenhang zwischen der TRC und einer Befriedung der Bevölkerung herzustellen, wäre vermessen. Noch immer ist Südafrika ein gespaltenes Land. Ähnliches gilt bei der Legitimierung und Konsolidierung der neuen demokratischen Ordnung. Auch hier ist die Kommission ein Baustein, auf den nicht verzichtet werden konnte. Ihr diesen Erfolg, und es ist ein Erfolg im heutigen Südafrika, alleine zuzuschreiben, wäre eine extreme Überschätzung ihrer Möglichkeiten. Unterm Strich bleibt: Die TRC konnte nicht all ihre Ziele erreichen, aber sie hat sich gerade unter den Voraussetzungen des Übergangsprozesses als eine sinnvolle Form der Vergangenheitsbewältigung erwiesen, die grundlegend wichtige Ergebnisse erarbeiten konnte. Sie kann somit trotz der Berücksichtigung einer Vielzahl von Problemen als Erfolg gewertet werden. / Apartheid in South Africa was a system of injustice. Atrocities committed by the regime were e.g. massacres, torture, murder, deprivation of personal liberty, forced relocation, economical and daily discrimination. After the existence of such an unjust system, the question of how to deal with the past remains. Basically there are three possibilities. Firstly the judicial approach, secondly a general pardon and finally a third model of coping with the past, which has the aim to combine the advantages of the first two strategies. In South Africa all parties involved tried to find such a third model as a compromise. The Truth- and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established and has become a symbol of this way of dealing with the past by now. The aim of the survey was to find out, weather the TRC in South Africa was successful as strategy of dealing with the past. In detail the TRC dealt in three main committees (Human Rights Violations Committee, Amnesty Committee, Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee) with the following goals: Clarification of the human rights violations, clarification of the fate of missing people, clarification of what has been destroyed during Apartheid and in the transitional period in order to camouflage the crimes, compensation for the victims and giving amnesty to perpetrators if their crimes have had a political motivation. This last point was tied to an entire disclosure of the crime and a public confession. On the one hand the survey shows the great successes of the TRC in South Africa. The commission brought up more, and - above all - more detailed information about the Apartheid, than any other investigation ever has before. Due to the strong participation of the population in the process of clarification, the TRC was able to stir up a process, which contributed to the emergence of a new culture and to an understanding of human rights and therefore gave an impetus to reconciliation. As a result of the intensive debate about the past in a process that involved the whole society, the TRC achieved to encourage a political culture, which is indispensable for the development of a democratic society after the experience of a system of injustice. Almost every South African gained an understanding, or at least an imagination, of what is meant by human rights violations. An “operational truth” was established, which was widely acknowledged, despite the protest of all parties. A denial of the crimes of Apartheid became impossible. But the liberation movement had to admit brutal crimes as well. On the other hand it becomes clear, that the contrived tasks were far too high, even though many parts of daily Apartheid were ignored completely. The commission did not succeed in clarifying all crimes of Apartheid. Also concerning the perpetrators, the commission did only partly achieve its goals. Compared to the clarified crimes, only a fractional amount of the perpetrators applied for amnesty. The idea, that many perpetrators would participate in the clarification-process with the perspective of being amnestied did not work out. Concerning the reparation, the TRC showed one of its most basic constructional defects. The Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee developed suggestions, which were then never implemented by the president in the way the committee had intended. This made many black and coloured people doubt the work of the commission as a whole. There is no direct relation between the TRC and a pacification of the population. South Africa still is a divided country. The same has to be said about the legitimation and consolidation of the new democratic order. The commission made a contribution that could not be set aside. But to refer this succes, and it is a succes in today’s South Africa, only to the TRC, would be a total overestimation of its possibilities. What remains is: The TRC could not achieve all its goals. Nevertheless, it proved to be a sensible form of dealing with the past. Above all, under the preconditions of a transitional process, it came to important results. Despite many problems, the commission can be judged as a success.

Die Apartheid in Südafrika war ein Unrechtssystem. Zu den Grausamkeiten des Regimes zählten Massaker, Folter, Mord, Freiheitsberaubung, Zwangsumsiedlung, ökonomische Benachteiligung und alltägliche Diskriminierung. Was nach dem Ende eines solchen Unrechtssystems bleibt, ist die Frage nach dem Umgang mit der Vergangenheit. Die drei grundlegenden Möglichkeiten der Vergangenheitsbewältigung sind die rein justiziare Aufarbeitung, eine Generalamnestie oder ein drittes Modell, das zum Ziel hat, die Vorteile der beiden anderen Strategien zu vereinen. In Südafrika versuchte man, auch als Kompromiss aller Beteiligter, diesen dritten Weg mit der Einrichtung der Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission, die mittlerweile weltweit zum Sinnbild dieser Form der Vergangenheitsbewältigung geworden ist. Das Ziel der Studie war dabei zu klären: War die Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission in Südafrika als Strategie der Vergangenheitsbewältigung erfolgreich? Im Einzelnen widmete sich die TRC in drei Hauptausschüssen (Menschenrechtsausschuss, Amnestieausschuss und Wiedergutmachungsausschuss) den folgenden Zielen: Aufklärung der Menschenrechtsverletzungen, Klärung des Verbleibs verschwundener Personen, Klärung dessen, was während der Apartheid und der Übergangsphase zerstört wurde um die Verbrechen zu verschleiern, Wiedergutmachung für die Opfer und Amnestierung der Täter bei politisch motivierten Taten. Dieser letzte Punkt war jedoch an die völlige Offenlegung der Tat und ein öffentliches Eingeständnis gebunden. Zum einen zeigt die Analyse die großen Erfolge der Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission in Südafrika. Sie hat mehr und vor allem genauere Informationen über die Apartheid zusammengetragen, als je eine andere Untersuchung es geschafft hat. Mit der starken Beteiligung der Bevölkerung am Prozess der Aufklärung konnte sie einen Prozess in Gang bringen, der zur Entstehung einer neuen Menschenrechtskultur beitrug und auch einen Anstoß zur Versöhnung gab. Durch die intensive Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit in einem gesamtgesellschaftlichen Prozess schaffte es die TRC auch, eine politische Kultur anzuregen, die unentbehrlich ist, will man nach einem Unrechtssystem eine demokratische Zukunft aufbauen. Das Verständnis oder zumindest eine Ahnung von dem was Menschenrechtsverletzungen bedeuten, wurde in dieser Zeit tief im Bewusstsein der meisten Südafrikaner verankert. Es wurde eine „operative Wahrheit“ geschaffen, die, wenn auch unter Protesten aller Parteien, letztlich anerkannt wurde und somit ein zukünftiges Leugnen der Apartheidsverbrechen unmöglich machte. Aber auch die Befreiungsbewegungen mussten brutale Verbrechen eingestehen. Zum anderen wird ebenso deutlich, dass die gestellten Anforderungen bei weitem zu hoch waren. Obwohl große Bereiche der alltäglichen Apartheid komplett unberücksichtigt blieben. Bei der Wahrheitsfindung wurde deutlich, dass die drei Ausschüsse weit von einer wirklichen Aufklärung der Untaten der Apartheid entfernt blieben. Auch in Bezug auf die Täter erreichte die Kommission nur zum Teil ihre Ziele. Verglichen mit den aufgeklärten Verbrechen, beantragte nur ein Bruchteil der Täter Amnestie. Die Logik, durch den Anreiz der Straffreiheit eine rege Beteiligung der Täter am Aufklärungsprozess zu erreichen, ging nicht auf. Bei der Wiedergutmachung zeigte sich, dass es einer der größten Konstruktionsfehler der TRC war, die Umsetzung der Entschädigungen dem Parlament und der Regierung zu überlassen. Der Wiedergutmachungsausschuss erarbeitete lediglich Vorschläge an den Präsidenten. Die wurden jedoch nie in dieser Form umgesetzt und stellten damit die TRC als Ganze bei Teilen der schwarzen und farbigen Bevölkerung in Frage. Einen direkten Zusammenhang zwischen der TRC und einer Befriedung der Bevölkerung herzustellen, wäre vermessen. Noch immer ist Südafrika ein gespaltenes Land. Ähnliches gilt bei der Legitimierung und Konsolidierung der neuen demokratischen Ordnung. Auch hier ist die Kommission ein Baustein, auf den nicht verzichtet werden konnte. Ihr diesen Erfolg, und es ist ein Erfolg im heutigen Südafrika, alleine zuzuschreiben, wäre eine extreme Überschätzung ihrer Möglichkeiten. Unterm Strich bleibt: Die TRC konnte nicht all ihre Ziele erreichen, aber sie hat sich gerade unter den Voraussetzungen des Übergangsprozesses als eine sinnvolle Form der Vergangenheitsbewältigung erwiesen, die grundlegend wichtige Ergebnisse erarbeiten konnte. Sie kann somit trotz der Berücksichtigung einer Vielzahl von Problemen als Erfolg gewertet werden. / Apartheid in South Africa was a system of injustice. Atrocities committed by the regime were e.g. massacres, torture, murder, deprivation of personal liberty, forced relocation, economical and daily discrimination. After the existence of such an unjust system, the question of how to deal with the past remains. Basically there are three possibilities. Firstly the judicial approach, secondly a general pardon and finally a third model of coping with the past, which has the aim to combine the advantages of the first two strategies. In South Africa all parties involved tried to find such a third model as a compromise. The Truth- and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established and has become a symbol of this way of dealing with the past by now. The aim of the survey was to find out, weather the TRC in South Africa was successful as strategy of dealing with the past. In detail the TRC dealt in three main committees (Human Rights Violations Committee, Amnesty Committee, Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee) with the following goals: Clarification of the human rights violations, clarification of the fate of missing people, clarification of what has been destroyed during Apartheid and in the transitional period in order to camouflage the crimes, compensation for the victims and giving amnesty to perpetrators if their crimes have had a political motivation. This last point was tied to an entire disclosure of the crime and a public confession. On the one hand the survey shows the great successes of the TRC in South Africa. The commission brought up more, and - above all - more detailed information about the Apartheid, than any other investigation ever has before. Due to the strong participation of the population in the process of clarification, the TRC was able to stir up a process, which contributed to the emergence of a new culture and to an understanding of human rights and therefore gave an impetus to reconciliation. As a result of the intensive debate about the past in a process that involved the whole society, the TRC achieved to encourage a political culture, which is indispensable for the development of a democratic society after the experience of a system of injustice. Almost every South African gained an understanding, or at least an imagination, of what is meant by human rights violations. An “operational truth” was established, which was widely acknowledged, despite the protest of all parties. A denial of the crimes of Apartheid became impossible. But the liberation movement had to admit brutal crimes as well. On the other hand it becomes clear, that the contrived tasks were far too high, even though many parts of daily Apartheid were ignored completely. The commission did not succeed in clarifying all crimes of Apartheid. Also concerning the perpetrators, the commission did only partly achieve its goals. Compared to the clarified crimes, only a fractional amount of the perpetrators applied for amnesty. The idea, that many perpetrators would participate in the clarification-process with the perspective of being amnestied did not work out. Concerning the reparation, the TRC showed one of its most basic constructional defects. The Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee developed suggestions, which were then never implemented by the president in the way the committee had intended. This made many black and coloured people doubt the work of the commission as a whole. There is no direct relation between the TRC and a pacification of the population. South Africa still is a divided country. The same has to be said about the legitimation and consolidation of the new democratic order. The commission made a contribution that could not be set aside. But to refer this succes, and it is a succes in today’s South Africa, only to the TRC, would be a total overestimation of its possibilities. What remains is: The TRC could not achieve all its goals. Nevertheless, it proved to be a sensible form of dealing with the past. Above all, under the preconditions of a transitional process, it came to important results. Despite many problems, the commission can be judged as a success.