La crise de la modernité est synonyme chez Hannah Arendt d'une crise de la durabilité dans la mesure où le monde humain semble être toujours requis aux fins de l'idéal de l'animal laborans et au procès de consommation dévorant et dévastateur. En analysant la crise de la modernité, nous avons relevé l'avènement de l'hybride social traversé par un individualisme économicisant et dont la résultante est l'apologie de l'intérêt privé. En outre, la dépolitisation de l'homme et sa propension à tout juger d'un point de vue individualiste semblent avoir déchainé les forces anthropiques productivistes en minant la durabilité même de l'artefact humain. Ce faisant, la naturalisation de l'artefact semble avoir irrévocablement transformé la durabilité de ce que l'homme fabrique. En définitive, l'analyse de la pensée développementaliste nous a permis de décrire l'arrière-plan idéologique naturalisant et historicisant du concept de développement qui s'impose comme discours totalisant indiscutable. Le développement durable sera ainsi analysé comme un accomplissement de l'idéologie moderne fluidifiante dans la mesure où la durabilité que prône Arendt s'est vue accordée à la nature. L'accomplissement de l'idéologie développementaliste à partir du concept de durabilité tendrait à rendre incontestable la nécessité du développement. En dernière analyse, nous avons ébauché certaines considérations sur la durabilité du monde en invoquant un retour à la durabilité de la production humaine destinée à une pluralité politique déterminante. / For Hannah Arendt, the crisis of modernity amounts to a durability crisis to the extent that the modern human world seems to requisite an ideal of the animal laborans as well as a devouring and destructive consumption process. By analyzing the modernity crisis, we identify the advent of a social hybrid crossed by an economical individualism resulting in the glorification of private interests. In addition, the depoliticization of man and his propensity to judge everything from an individualistic stance appear to have unleashed anthropogenic production forces while eroding the very durability of the human artifact. In doing so, the naturalization of the artifact seems to have irrevocably shifted the idea one makes of the durability. Ultimately, the analysis of the developmentalist thinking allow us to describe the ideological background historicizing and naturalizing the concept of development, which imposes itself as a totaling indisputable narrative. Sustainable development will then be analyzed as an accomplishment of a modern liquefying ideology insofar as the durability advocated by Arendt has been granted to nature. The fulfilment of the developmentalist ideology from the concept of durability tends to produce an undeniable need for development. Ultimately, we outline some considerations about the durability of the world by invoking a return to the durability of human production aimed at a decisive political plurality.

Toute l'œuvre de Hannah Arendt est une interpellation à « penser ce que nous faisons », pour reprendre ses mots. Ce travail poursuit le même objectif : s'arrêter un instant et réfléchir à nos pratiques. En continuité avec son intérêt - rarissime en philosophie - pour la question de la natalité, nous circonscrivons notre champ de recherche à l'une des dimensions les plus importantes d'une communauté politique : l'éducation. Adoptant la perspective d'une citoyenne prenant part à son monde commun, nous nous intéressons davantage à la situation concrète du système éducatif québécois, le nôtre. À partir de la présentation d'une constellation de problèmes circonstanciels, nous en venons à accepter un constat plus général de crise. À la suite de Hannah Arendt, nous revenons aux fondements de l'éducation et en interrogeons les finalités. Ainsi, nous espérons échapper à une nostalgie simpliste et mieux identifier ce que nous voulons pour le Québec contemporain en ce domaine. Dans une première partie, nous retraçons brièvement l'histoire du système éducatif québécois et les nombreuses transformations de ses intentions et pratiques pédagogiques. Puis, nous dégageons quelques problématiques importantes vécues et rapportées par les acteurs et actrices du milieu : les difficultés croissantes du modèle de l'« ascenseur social », le réductionnisme scientifique et la technicisation croissante de cette activité et l'influence hégémonique du management. Dans un deuxième temps, nous référant principalement au célèbre texte La crise de l'éducation, nous situons l'œuvre de Hannah Arendt dans son contexte historique, clarifions sa toile conceptuelle et établissons son appartenance à une tradition éducative libérale. Reprenant les constats de la première partie, nous étudions plus avant l'idée de crise en général et dans le domaine de l'éducation en particulier. Pour ce faire, nous nous référons aux travaux du phénoménologue Edmund Husserl que nous considérons comme une influence importante pour notre auteure. Finalement, toujours en dialogue avec la pensée arendtienne, nous défendons l'idée de refonder l'éducation québécoise sur un modèle humaniste renouvelé. Celui-ci, désirant dépasser les oppositions simplistes entre transmission des connaissances et développement des compétences, propose une sorte de conservatisme progressiste. L'éducation ainsi conçue poursuit la double finalité de la transmission d'un solide socle culturel commun et du développement des aptitudes nécessaires à la participation de tous et toutes à la vie démocratique. Nous allons chercher du côté de Normand Baillargeon, Paul Hirst, John Dewey, Martha C. Nussbaum et Georges Leroux les prolongements contemporains dont nous avons besoin pour réactualiser la pensée arendtienne en éducation. Mots-clés : Éducation; Hannah Arendt; Crise; Humanisme; Québec

Univ., Diss.--Hannover, 2004.

Zugl.: Köln, Univ., Diss., 2004/2005

This thesis seeks to show how the reassessment of Arendt's thought for contemporary international political theory must be grounded in her first major published work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and, more specifically, in the concept of the political she outlines therein. The thesis begins by examining how Arendt interprets the political sui generis. It shows how this concept, which influences much of her scholarship from the 1950s onwards and serves as a critical measure against which she assesses modern-day events, is disclosed for the first time in Part II of Origins through her engagement with particular topics and phenomena related to European colonial imperialism. Using this somewhat neglected text as a point of departure, the main body of the thesis examines Arendt's thoughts on three ‘anti-political' impulses of the contemporary world that have clear international ramifications: sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism. The work is divided into three corresponding sections. Each contains a chapter providing an interpretive study of Arendt's text on the subject, followed by a chapter applying the key themes, insights and dangers previously highlighted to some of the most intractable global situations today such as the international human rights regime, atomic weaponry and war, biopolitical control, genocide studies and neoliberal globalisation. In so doing, the thesis does not aim to ‘find' in Arendt's work determinate answers to the crises of our time, but rather to use her perceptions as critical inspiration to think about them differently.

SILVA, Elivanda de Oliveira. A transformação da natureza humana nos governos totalitários e a ascensão do animal laborans na esfera pública: uma leitura biopolítica da obra de Hannah Arendt. 2012. 98f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T13:20:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T14:18:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-12T14:18:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Our study has the purpose to carry through a biopolitic reading of Hannah Arendt’s work, what means analyzing the relation between life and politics, from the contained biopolitic elements in the autor’s philosophy. To make it possible, we will use to concept from Giorgio Agamben, mainly, the concepts of bare life, state of exception, homo sacer so that, having understook them, we can work on the biopolitic elements of the arendtian’s work, which pass by it in an implicit form. Thus, our intention is to demonstrate that, even in an not explicit way, it has, in the arendtianas reflections, about “ what we are doing” in modernity, that is, reducing the human condition to the mere activity of the animal laborans, worried, exclusively, in preserving its life in biological direction, biopolitics elements that, in our agreement, serve as argument tools to elucidate the reflexive intentions of this author. The two points that we choose for the accomplishment of this research, in intention to point the biopolitic elements in Arendt, are the primacy of the natural life on the political action, resulted from the extreme valorization of the labor in modernity, and the pretension of total domain of the totalitarianism, that used the scenario of the mass societies of century XX, to place in march its ambition of transforming the human nature, reducing the man to a mere animal. Our intention, therefore, is from the analyses of the arendtian’s work Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) and the Human Condition (1958), to demonstrate textually that, exactly for never appearing in its writings, the concept of biopolitcs, configures as a conducting wire so that we can notice the reach and the depth of the politic-philosophical thought of Hannah Arendt, that appears as an authentic interpreter of her time, whose writings continue relevant so that we can understand the political and human reality. / Nosso estudo tem como objetivo realizar uma leitura biopolítica da obra de Hannah Arendt, o que significa analisar a relação entre vida e política, a partir dos elementos biopolíticos contidos na filosofia da autora. Para tanto, iremos lançar mão do arcabouço conceitual de Giorgio Agamben, principalmente, dos conceitos de vida nua, estado de exceção, homo sacer para que, de posse desses, possamos trazer à tona os elementos biopolíticos da obra arendtiana, os quais a perpassam de forma implícita. Assim, nossa intenção é demonstrar que, mesmo de maneira não explícita, há, nas reflexões arendtianas, acerca “do que estamos fazendo” na modernidade, ou seja, reduzindo a condição humana à mera atividade do animal laborans, preocupado, exclusivamente, em preservar sua vida em sentido biológico, elementos biopolíticos que, em nosso entendimento, servem como ferramentas argumentativas para elucidarmos as intenções reflexivas dessa autora. Os dois pontos que escolhemos para a realização desta pesquisa, no intuito de apontar os elementos biopolíticos em Arendt, são o primado da vida natural sobre a ação política, resultado da supervalorização do trabalho na modernidade, e a pretensão de domínio total do totalitarismo, que se utilizou do cenário das sociedades de massa do século XX, para colocar em marcha a sua ambição de transformar a natureza humana, reduzindo o homem a um mero animal. Nosso propósito, portanto, é a partir das análises das obras arendtianas Origens do Totalitarismo (1951) e a Condição Humana (1958), demonstrar que, mesmo nunca aparecendo textualmente em seus escritos, o conceito de biopolítica configura-se como um fio condutor para que possamos perceber o alcance e a profundidade do pensamento político filosófico de Hannah Arendt, que se mostra como uma autêntica intérprete de seu tempo, cujos escritos continuam relevantes e nos dão base para compreendermos a realidade política e humana.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines the propriety of suffering as a category in political thought. This complex subject matter is approached by examining two responses, and the disagreement arising between these responses, to the perceived failure of politics, modernity and religion in Europe in the first half of the twentieth century. The first response to these failures considered is a theological response, representing a politics based on belief, in which we turn to the writings of J.B. Metz as a representative of this position. The second response considered is the philosophical civic humanism of Hannah Arendt as a seminal representative of what we term a politics based on unbelief. Our question regarding suffering as a category in political thought brings our two representative thinkers into disagreement. Metz presents a vision of political life in which belief – and specifically Christian belief – must liberate itself from privatising forces which confine belief and a response to suffering to the private sphere as a matter of individual concern and inward piety. For Metz the issue of suffering is not merely a matter of individual private concern but of political action. Central to his argument are his understanding of theodicy that forms part of his critique of modernity, the central place he gives Christ’s cry of dereliction in theology and his concept of Leiden an Gott. Arendt, representative of politics strictly separated from religion on Modernity’s grounds, robustly argues that concerns which are matters of the private sphere, that is the household, have invaded the public realm and in doing so have destroyed politics. Suffering is such a concern and it introduces to politics the ‘problem of necessity’ and impinges upon her concept of human freedom. She therefore represents the antithesis of Metz’s position. In order to answer our question regarding suffering our argument focuses by engaging with the issues of freedom and forgiveness. This move is important in establishing the basis on which suffering can appear in the political realm. This thesis argues for and concludes that theology provides the means for a reconciliation of the antinomies between the private and public spheres, between suffering and political thought. We therefore conclude that suffering is an appropriate concern of political life and compassion in the form of Christian charity can take an appropriate form in the political sphere.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this mini-thesis I explore Hannah Arendt’s engagement with the problem of foundation in relation to the work of Derrida and complexity theory. In Arendt the problem of foundation takes shape as the attempt to develop a thinking of foundation that does not repress political freedom. The American Revolution is an important point of reference in Arendt’s attempt to develop such a notion of authority. According to Arendt the American republic could, however, not entirely succeed in realizing this conception of authority. I draw on Derrida and complexity theory in order to show that the shortcomings Arendt points to are structural to institutions as such. Following Derrida and complexity theory, I further that the recognition of this structural limitation is an indispensable step in the attempt to think political authority as something stable, but which nevertheless keeps open the possibility of political change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie skripsie ondersoek ek Hannah Arendt se ommegang met die probleem van begronding deur dit in verband te bring met die werk van Jacques Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie. Die probleem van begronding neem vir Arendt vorm aan in die poging om politieke gesag op so wyse te bedink dat dit nie politieke vryheid onderdruk nie. Die Amerikaanse rewolusie vorm ’n sentrale verwysingspunt in Arendt so poging om gesag op hierdie manier te bedink. Dit slaag volgens haar egter nie heeltemal daarin om hierdie alternatiewe vorm van gesag te verwesenlik nie. Ek steun op Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie om te wys dat die tekortkominge waarop Arendt wys in ’n sekere sin struktureel is tot enige instelling. Ek argumenteer voorts in navolging van Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie dat ’n erkenning van hierdie strukturele beperking ’n belangrike moment is in die poging om politieke gesag te bedink as iets wat stabiel kan wees, maar terselftertyd ruimte laat vir politieke verandering.

This paper explores the major historical interpretations of Hannah Arendt and analyzes her philosophy of history. Chapter One includes an introduction and a brief survey of the life of Hannah Arendt. Chapters Two and Three examine The Origins of Totalitarianism. The discussion concludes that Arendt's loose use of terms and some of her evidence can be called into question. Nevertheless, her work contains original insights about modern European political history. Chapter Four, a discussion of Arendt's Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, emphasizes her portrait of Adolph Eichmann as a shallow, Nazi bureaucrat. Although the work is flawed with inaccuracies, her portrait of Eichmann as a prototypical bureaucratic killer is thought provoking. Chapter Five, an analysis of Arendt's philosophy of history, concludes that Arendt understood the pitfalls of theories of historical causality.