As the most popular destination country for migrants and refugees in the EU since the end of World War II (MPI, 2004), Germany has a history of refugee inflows. In this thesis I focus on the different factors that led to asylum policy change in reunified Germany, from liberal since 1945 to restrictive, after the end of the Cold War in 1992, with the 1992 amendment of Article 16 of the German Basic Law. The study of the factors that account for German asylum policy change is important to understand the future of German asylum policy, and potentially provide a model of asylum policy change in other countries. In this study, I analyze German public opinion that seems to have been affected by large migrant inflows and the declining state of the economy. I argue that electoral pressures by the German public contributed to political party platform changes and asylum policy change. I use data from Eurobaromeer surveys, the World Bank, and the Migration Policy Institute to describe the refugee inflows and the state of the German economy, and how these may have contributed to public opinion, as reflected in Eurobarometer survey results. I examine German political party platforms and campaign tactics based on secondary literature, such as scholarly articles and studies, as well as political speeches and statements. I also consider Germany’s membership in the EU as a factor that may have affected the change in German asylum policy. Germany’s membership in the EU may have been used as a form of leverage by the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), to pressure the Social Democratic Party (SPD), to compromise on asylum policy restrictions, as Germany’s constitutional right to asylum impeded the implementation of EU asylum policy provisions. The findings of my research suggest that German public sentiments may have affected Germany’s political party platforms. Evidently, the SPD, aligned its political platform and policy agenda to align with the changes in the German electoral context and gain electoral support. Also, Germany’s position as a founding member of the EU, may have contributed to the compromise on German asylum policy change, because the right to asylum as explained in Article 16 of the constitution, withheld Germany from utilizing the EU’s asylum procedures and policies, until Article 16 was amended in 1992.

No description available.

This study compares print media representations of refugees and asylum seekers with representations in short stories and poems written by refugees and asylum seekers themselves, within the frames of creative writing workshops. The primary research question guiding the study reads: How do (self-)representations in texts written by refugees and asylum seekers, within the frames of creative writing workshops, differ from representations of refugees and asylum seekers in print media.As a theoretical foundation for the study serves the social constructionist assumption that language, rather than reflect, constructs reality, and that the way the world is understood affects policies, practices and actions – in this case concerning refugees, asylum seekers, refugee relief, refugee/asylum seeker reception systems, integration etc. Starting out from the notion that print media representations of refugees and asylum seekers follow certain recurring patterns – not only resulting in rather simplistic portrayals, but, also, almost systematically leaving out refugee and asylum seeker voices, views and opinions – the study, following Dorothy Smiths suggestion that individuals somehow excluded from a particular discourse may offer perspectives undermining it, turns to the refugees and asylum seekers’ own texts as a possible source of alternative representations. Using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory, complemented by semiotic analysis, (self-)representations in three anthologies with refugee and asylum seeker texts are compared to the results of a meta analysis of earlier research of representations of refugees and asylum seekers in print media.The findings of the study suggests that there are similarities, but also significant differences in how refugees and asylum seekers are represented in their own texts when compared to print media. Consequently, it is argued that there is a potential worth fostering in the creative writing workshops for refugees and asylum seekers, as well as similar initiatives. They may be seen as a step towards increasing refugees and asylum seekers’ opportunities to voice their opinion in matters that concern them; as answering to the post colonial call for bringing in new voices to the (social) development debate; and as contributing to the realisation of an agonistic democracy/pluralism.

AbstractThis study aims at investigating how refugees are discursively represented in twelve articles written by the Danish online newspaper 'Den Korte Avis'. The main question aimed at answering being “Which power relations are established discursively by how refugees are positioned, represented and potentially subjected to stereotypical representations through discourses in the articles and what are the potential consequences of these representations?” The research applies a social constructivist approach to answer the main question and the research questions.The study has been conducted using Norman Fairclough's three-dimensional framework for critical discourse analysis (CDA), which has provided theory and methods for critically analysing media texts. Beyond that, Stuart Hall’s perception of representation has been used to provide the research with a clear theoretical background for understanding how representations work, both in production and consumption. Moreover, Hall’s paper “The Spectacle of ‘the other’” has been used to dig deeper into the representation of other cultures or minority groups of society. Within this, Hall's notions on stereotyping through representations have been used in analysis of the news articles.The research found four predominant discourses about refugees, which all exclusively represented them negatively. In the articles, refugees are represented as a cultural or terror threat, an economic burden and as migrants. Within these discourses, refugees are often subjected to stereotypical representations. Similar for all four discourses was the fact that they drew on an understanding of Denmark being under threat from the refugees and the asylum influx, and that border control would be a way of countering this threat. It is, thereof, concluded that 'Den Korte Avis' carry a nationalist bias in their articles. It is, moreover, concluded that 'Den Korte Avis', in their coverage of refugees, reproduce unequal power relations between the Danes and the refugees, as a clear scenario of 'us versus them' is established frequently, wherein refugees are positioned as not being able to fit into Danish society because they are 'too different'. Thereby, a cultural hegemony is also established in the articles. It is argued in this thesis that the mainly negative representations of refugees in the news media, could have consequences both culturally/societally and politically, some of which we may be seeing already.

In 1999 the European Union (EU) defined for the first time common priorities in the area of migration and asylum. In 2014 the Justice and Home Affairs Council is deciding on the fourth multi-annual strategic guidelines. This thesis examines the role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the EU influencing these guidelines through the European Commission public consultation, and their impact on shaping the future agenda for migration and asylum. While the EU has gained more competences in this field and increased legal protection standards across the EU, member states favour restrictive and security-oriented policies. EU NGOs represent a more liberal rights based approach, and having difficulties getting their points across. A step-by-step process tracing reveals the factors that enabled influence, such as a structured civil dialogue with opportunities for input. However, there were also elements disabling this influence, related to the disconnection between civil society and the Council, which partly undermined the purpose of the consultation.

This study aims to draw attention to the stories of Afghan unaccompanied asylum-seeking children in Sweden; their reasons to leave Afghanistan and to migrate to Sweden, the way that they migrate, and the problems they face during their journey to Sweden are investigated. In order to achieve the aims of this study, a qualitative method is used based on semi-structured interviews. Altogether, eight people are interviewed of which six are Afghan male unaccompanied asylum-seeking children, one is a legal guardian and one is an assistant (behandlingsassistent). Theories such as push and pull factors, migration industry theory, transit migration theory, and social network theory help to understand better the stories of Afghan unaccompanied children while analyzing the data.The data obtained from interviews shows that the children who were leaving Afghanistan had mixed motivations. Factors such as lack of security, violence, threats, individual risks associated with their ethnicity, forced recruitment, economic hardship and political reasons push them to leave Afghanistan. My findings show that the main reason for the children to leave Afghanistan is the harassment and violence against the ethnic group Hazara.Moreover, the data demonstrates that traveling with smugglers and crossing borders, by land or by sea, is a multiple-step procedure for Afghan unaccompanied children. They have many stops along the way and spend lots of time in different transit countries. The journey is full of risks for them. My interviews reveal that transit migration creates a number of problems for these children.In addition, this study indicates that the role of social networks is of great importance for these children. The smugglers create strong incentives for their decision to claim asylum in Sweden. Moreover, co-migrants and friends of friend who live in Europe play a significant role in their decision-making. Furthermore, restrictive legislations as well as lack of protection in transit countries make onward migration inevitable. Other factors, such as the probability of getting a residence permit and family reunification, are important for Afghan unaccompanied children to choose Sweden as a destination country.

Denna uppsats ämnar att undersöka arbetet med den gemensamma asyl policyn inom EU.Beslutet för policyn togs 1999 vid EU mötet i Finska Tammerfors och började med en plan på fem år.Jag vill i denna studie se vad som har hänt sedan 1999 och effekten av detta på personer som söker asyl inom EU:s gränser. Detta är ett interdisciplinärt arbete genom att jag ser på faktorer som de legala utvecklingarna genom vilka lagar som presenterats och implementerats samt ett frågeformulär som jag sänt till personer som jobbar för organisationer i samarbete med the European Council for Refugees and Exiles för att få deras syn på utvecklingen. Jag presenterar även statistik och diagram från the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees för att illustrera mönster i utvecklingen av migrationsmönster. Utgångspunkten för harmoniseringen är att alla Medlems Stater ska behandla ansökningar om asyl på ett likvärdigt sätt, men under nuvarande omständigheter verkar det som att det finns stora skillnader i antalet ansökningar, antalet erkända flyktingar och vilken status som godkänns inom EU:s medlemsländer.Dublin regulationen uppfattas som ett orättvist verktyg mot asylsökanden eftersom staterna har olikheter i erkännandet och olika status för flyktingar. EU:s medlemsländer har en ganska lång väg kvar i harmoniseringsarbetet innan de kan hävda att de har likvärdig hantering av asylsökanden. / The aim of this study is to investigate the development of the Common European Asylum System which was called for at the Tampere European Council in 1999. The intention was to harmonize the legal standards of asylum seekers and refugees and coordinating the policies Thus, with this study I want to give an account as to what has happened so far and what effect this might have had on asylum seekers in the Member States of the European Union.This is done through an interdisciplinary approach by looking at the developments in the legal section as to what laws have been passed and implemented so far but also with a questionnaire sent to organizations working in connection to European Council for Refugees and Exiles aiming to understand their perception of the harmonization process. Further, I present statistics and diagrams taken from statistic publications of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in order to illustrate patterns in the history of migration as to trends and patterns.The main idea of the harmonization process is that all Member States should treat asylum applications in a similar way. However at present there still seems to be major differences in the numbers of applications, the recognition rates and what status granted between the Member States of the European Union. The Dublin Regulation is perceived as an unjust tool against the asylum seekers since states have differences in the recognition and statuses. The Member States of the European Union still have a very long way to go in this harmonization process to claim equal treatment of asylum seekers.

Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children (UASC) disappearing from protection of the asylum system is a phenomenon that occurs around the world. Sweden is not immune to UASC disappearances, despite Swedish asylum laws and practices being based on the “Best Interests of the Child” (BIC). This study investigates the phenomenon from the perspective of stakeholders within the municipality of Malmö, Sweden, utilizing a constructivist grounded theory (CGT) approach. The aim of this study is to identify key paradoxical situations within the asylum system that may trigger disappearances, and to construct the theories surrounding this phenomenon from the data collected. The theories of governmentality, intersectionality and the post-Colonial theory of “othering” including “self-othering” were identified as valid concepts in regards to this phenomenon. This study also calls for further research into the field of unaccompanied migrant children including better documentation of these children who are both in and out of the asylum system.

This study examines the asylum process in Europe from the perspective of unaccompanied refugee children affected by the Dublin Regulation. The aim is to explore whether these children get access to a legally certain asylum process in the Common European Asylum System by comparing the experiences of the children with legal documents, directives and guidelines on how the procedure should be implemented. The study has been conducted as a multiple case study where information has been collected from previous research, published stories and reports, news articles, legal documents and an interview with a representative from a local network supporting asylum seekers living in clandestinity. The study uses the theory of Hannah Arendt regarding the right to have rights, examining whether the children’s experiences of the asylum process in Europe compared to legal documents show signs of them being excluded from a legally certain process and what that may mean for their human rights to be implemented and protected. International human rights law states that children, and especially unaccompanied refugee children shall always receive special protection due to their vulnerable status and the European Union should guarantee a legally certain asylum procedure for all refugees in all member states. This study illuminates difficulties for unaccompanied refugee children affected by the Dublin Regulation to get access to a legally certain asylum process in Europe and in accordance with the theory of Arendt their functional statelessness tend to exclude them from getting human rights, advocated as universal, fulfilled.

Research in Canada and Turkey suggests that LGBTQ asylum seekers are particularly vulnerable among an already marginalized group, the refugee community, where different forms of structural violence manifest itself in particular ways towards gay refugees.Given that few studies exist in the Swedish context, the aim is to gain a preliminaryunderstanding of LGBTQ refugee’s experiences of structural violence in Sweden, legally,socially and economically.The material is based on interviews of four male gay refugees from different countries all living in Malmö.Using a thematic analysis by categorizing the material into patterns of meaning, two mainthemes have been identified: structural violence in the asylum system and structural violence in social life. The intersectionality theory will be applied in order to understand how oppression expresses itself in particular ways towards these individuals, because of their intersecting identity as gay and as refugee.The results indicate that LGBTQ refugees experience structural violence through economic marginalization and the re-telling of traumatic experiences in the asylum process. However, structural violence expressed via social marginalization they cannot be sufficiently understood through the intersectionality theory, urging future studies to further explore and expand the topic and scope of the thesis.