In this thesis, I examine three specific characters from the extant plays of Aristophanes: the Scythian archer from Thesmophoriazusae, the Thracian god from Birds, and the Persian King's Eye from Acharnians. Through a close analysis of these three characters, I show that Aristophanes portrayed each one in a different manner and with varying degrees of hostility. Aristophanes' portrayals of these foreigners were likely informed by his fellow Athenians' attitudes toward non-Athenians. As I demonstrate, the interactions of foreigners with Greek characters in Aristophanes' plays reveal subtle gradations of Greek xenophobia. The playwright composed his comedies in a period of great cultural change and increasingly diverse perceptions of non-Greeks, and as a result, these xenophobic nuances emerged. Views of barbarians were evolving in the last quarter of the fifth century BCE, and Greek xenophobia was not a monolithic social phenomenon.

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This thesis examines the emergence of the nation in the British Empire in the process of thinking about empire, economy and biology during the late-Enlightenment and the nineteenth century. A key aspect of this, Knapman argues, was concern over the dialectic of civilization and order as it related to the barbarian and the savage. The notion of the barbarian grounded the European nations in time and therefore constructing a sense of origin and particularism. Equally the savage and the barbarian placed non-European cultures in time. The thesis draws on a range of writers from eighteenth and nineteenth centuries such as Adam Smith, Edward Gibbon, David Hume, Thomas Malthus, John Stuart Mill, Charles Darwin, James Cowles Prichard, Robert Knox and many other lesser-known figures. This is related to an examination of the nation in British representations of Southeast Asia, including colonial officials such as Stamford Raffles, John Crawfurd, and James Brooke who produced encyclopaedic accounts of their experiences in Asia. The thesis argues that while the complex grammar of the British Empire divided the world into spheres of civilisation and barbarism, it retained a special place for barbarians within the core and thus allowed for the naturalisation of nations within the context of an empire of civilizing others.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Engajado no exercício de uma prática cinematográfica que objetiva denunciar os males da opressão, Glauber Rocha adquiriu prestígio internacional com uma produção marcada por dimensões políticas. Analisar os atributos políticos e estéticos presentes em O leão de sete cabeças, filmado no Congo, em 1969, é a proposta deste trabalho. No filme, ao discutir a questão colonialista na África, o cineasta criticou a espoliação decorrente dos séculos de colonização e estabeleceu o elogio das lutas de libertação nacional no continente. Ademais, o artista questionou as noções de civilizado e bárbaro ao pôr em ação a idéia de realizar um cinema voltado ao Terceiro Mundo. / Engaged in the exercise of a practice that aims denounce the evils of oppression, Glauber Rocha gained international prestige with a production marked by political dimensions. To analyze the attributes politicians and aesthetic gifts in O leão de sete cabeças, filmed in the Congo, in 1969, is the proposal of this work. In the film, to discuss the issue colonialist in Africa, the filmmaker criticized the despoliation resulting from centuries on the colonization and established the praise of struggles for national liberation on the continent. Moreover, the artist questioned the notions of civilized and barbarian to put into action the idea of doing a cinema dedicated to the Third World.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Engajado no exercício de uma prática cinematográfica que objetiva denunciar os males da opressão, Glauber Rocha adquiriu prestígio internacional com uma produção marcada por dimensões políticas. Analisar os atributos políticos e estéticos presentes em O leão de sete cabeças, filmado no Congo, em 1969, é a proposta deste trabalho. No filme, ao discutir a questão colonialista na África, o cineasta criticou a espoliação decorrente dos séculos de colonização e estabeleceu o elogio das lutas de libertação nacional no continente. Ademais, o artista questionou as noções de civilizado e bárbaro ao pôr em ação a idéia de realizar um cinema voltado ao Terceiro Mundo. / Engaged in the exercise of a practice that aims denounce the evils of oppression, Glauber Rocha gained international prestige with a production marked by political dimensions. To analyze the attributes politicians and aesthetic gifts in O leão de sete cabeças, filmed in the Congo, in 1969, is the proposal of this work. In the film, to discuss the issue colonialist in Africa, the filmmaker criticized the despoliation resulting from centuries on the colonization and established the praise of struggles for national liberation on the continent. Moreover, the artist questioned the notions of civilized and barbarian to put into action the idea of doing a cinema dedicated to the Third World.

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English Abstract This M.A. thesis analyses the politics of indirect rule within the peripheral area of Liangshan in southern Sichuan, which the imperial court tried to implement thru appointment of hereditary offices of indigenous chieftains (ch. tusi or tuguan). It uses primary sources in classical Chinese from official histories, local gazetteers, ethnographic studies and other documents, as well as secondary literature in Czech, English, French, German and Chinese. This thesis is divided into three interrelated chapters. The first chapter outlines the origin, changes and development of systems of indirect rule in Southwest China. The final stage of the development this political mechanism was a so-called "native chieftain system" (ch. tusi zhidu), through which the central court managed peripheral regions of its empire during Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. This chapter focuses on the development of these systems of indirect rule from the Warring States era (5th century BC) to the beginning of 20th century. The second chapter explores ethnographic, historico-political and ethnohistorical descriptions of Liangshan region. This chapter will then define the Liangshan region through geographical, political (the imperial court), and indigenous (ethnic) perspectives and therefore finalizes a theoretical...

Les réformes menées sous Dioclétien et Constantin établirent des circonscriptions et des hiérarchies administratives qui demeurèrent stables dans les Gaules, les Espagnes et en Bretagne, tout au long du IVe siècle. Suite aux usurpations du début du Ve siècle et aux installations des groupes barbares, le pouvoir préfectoral arlésien perdit progressivement le contrôle sur ces provinces, ce qui perturba le fonctionnement de l’appareil fiscal. Au Ve siècle, des membres des familles sénatoriales les plus en vue, souvent originaires du diocèse des Sept Provinces, accaparèrent la charge de préfet du prétoire des Gaules. L’administration des provinces gauloises et hispaniques qui reconnaissaient encore le pouvoir impérial fut alors de plus en plus décentralisée. À partir de la fin des années 460, des aristocrates gallo ou hispano-romains apparaissent comme étant au service des rois, un phénomène qui indique que ces pouvoirs barbares devenaient des acteurs politiques incontournables. La disparition de l’autorité impériale en Occident et le fait que les royaumes romano-barbares devinrent des entités politiques autonomes parachevèrent les fragmentations territoriales, politiques et sociales initiées depuis le début du Ve siècle. Ces nouveaux pouvoirs n’eurent d’autres solutions que de conserver une partie des instances de l’administration judiciaire et fiscale romaine et de les adapter aux nouveaux espaces. Ainsi, c’est à l’échelle locale et, surtout, au niveau de la cité que l’essentiel des fonctions de l’administration civile furent dès lors accomplies et que les trois acteurs majeurs de la vie administrative dans la Gaule franque et l’Hispanie wisigothe, à savoir le comte, l’évêque et les élites des cités, évoluèrent. / Reforms established under the age of Diocletian and Constantin set up circumscriptions and administrative hierarchies that remained stable throughout the IVth century in Gaul, Spain and Britain. As a consequence of usurpations at the beginning of the Vth century and of Barbarians’ settlements, the Arlesian prefectoral power progressively lost the control of these provinces, thus perturbing the fiscal system. In the Vth century, the prominent senatorial family members, who were often from the Seven Provinces diocese, monopolized the position of praetorian prefect of Gaul. The administration of Gallic and Spanish provinces, which still recognized the imperial power, became more and more decentralized. As of the late 460's, Gallic and Spanish aristocrats are established as kings' servants, which indicates that these Barbarian leaders were becoming very important political players. In the western territories, the disappearance of the imperial power, together with the fact that the Romano-Germanic kingdoms became autonomous political bodies, finished the territorial, political and social fragmentation process that had started at the beginning of the Vth century. These new power entities had no other solution than keeping some of the Roman legal and fiscal administration authorities and adapting them to the new territories. As a consequence, it is at the local scale, and mostly at city level, that most of the positions in civil administration were located and involved the three main players in the Frankish Gaul and Visigothic Spain administration, namely the count, the bishop and the city élites.

La présente recherche sous la direction de J.-M. Carrié, a porté sur les fédérés (foederati), ces combattants barbares servant dans leurs contingents ethnico-tactiques sous commandement de leurs chefs ethniques. Les fédérés étaient fournis par des groupes ethniques alliés de l’Empire dans le cadre de traités (foedus/foedera, spondê/spondai, synthêkê/synthêkai) : des gentes foederatae, enspondoi, hypospondoi, ces termes soulignant le lien diplomatique entre l’Empire et la gens. A la dimension diplomatique, s’ajoute la dimension militaire exprimée dans le vocabulaire de l’alliance (societas, symmachia), de l’auxiliariat (auxilium) ainsi que dans celui de l’amitié (amicitia/philia). L’analyse terminologique montre que les auteurs anciens utilisent le vocabulaire classique comme un filtre qu’il faut dépasser pour appréhender les fédérés. Une analyse fine et contextualisée des sources restituant une stratigraphie sémantique et révélant les anachronismes d'historiens décrivant d'après la situation de leur époque des phénomènes passés, a permis de souligner cette évolution masquée par la continuité terminologique. L’apparition des termes techniques foederati et phoideratoi au Ve siècle ne doit pas tromper. Il faut interpréter le terme foederati à partir des années 400 comme le recours à un terme républicain ancien pour désigner un nouvel aspect d’une réalité connue des Romains – celle des contingents fournis par les alliés selon des traités – notamment depuis le basculement stratégique des guerres danubiennes sous Marc Aurèle qui annoncent les difficultés à venir de l’Empire au IIIe siècle – puis aux Ve et VIe siècles – et la nécessité pour ce dernier de trouver des solutions aux périls pesant sur l’ordre impérial : le recours au substantif foederati permettait de nommer des combattants levés par traités auprès de gentes établies sur le sol impérial (gentes foederatae intra fines imperii), les Goths incarnant, après Andrinople, les premières gentes établies par traités dans l’Empire, alors que le terme désignait les contingents ethnico-tactiques fournis par des gentes foederatae extérieures au territoire impérial. Il faut distinguer les foederati extérieurs fournis par les gentes foederatae extérieures des foederati impériaux fournis par les gentes établies dans l’Empire à partir des années 380-400. Si le phénomène des foederati est ancien, les admissions territoriales de gentes par foedera/spondai lui conférèrent de nouveaux aspects. Par l’établissement territorial de gentes intra fines imperii, l’Empire appliquait à des groupes un mode de gestion de relations romano-barbares réservé aux gentes extérieures au territoire impérial : la conclusion de traités. Pris dans une logique de rapports de force, sur son sol et sur ses confins, l’Empire devait utiliser ces gentes selon ses intérêts. L’étude montre que l’Empire tenta de maîtriser le phénomène en intégrant les foederati au système militaire impérial suivant des besoins militaires, tactiques et stratégiques. Le recours aux chefs comme médiateurs entre leurs gentes, leurs fédérés et l’Empire a été fondamental. La volonté de contrôle de l’Etat impérial se mesure également à l’intégration des foederati au système logistique (ravitaillement, rémunérations, entretien) de la machine de guerre impériale. On peut se demander si l’Etat impérial n’a pas conçu les foederati comme un outil permettant de gérer différemment les ressources militaires, humaines et financières nécessaires à la défense de l’Empire. A cette fin, l’idéologie impériale a développé un discours justifiant l’emploi par l’Empire de ses gentes foederatae avec des objectifs stratégiques répondant aux défis auxquels l’Empire fut confronté de la fin du IIIe siècle au début du VIIe siècle. / The federates (foederati, symmachoi, auxiliares) were soldiers recruited among barbarian groups (gentes) – settled inside or outside the Empire – who committed by treaties (foedus/foedera ; spondê/spondai) to provide the Emperor with warriors serving on their owns.The study tries to show that the Empire attempted to control this phenomenon by including the foederati to the imperial military system in accordance with military needs and specific tactics.The will of control from the imperial state is also measured by the integration of the foederati into the imperial logistical system during military operations (food supplies, payment, and maintenance).One can wonder if the imperial state didn’t create the foederati as a tool allowing to manage – in a different way – the military, human, and financial resources required to the defense of the Empire.To that purpose, the imperial ideology seems to have set up a speech to justify and legitimate the employment by the Empire of these gentes foederatae (enspondoi, hypospondoi) with strategic goals/aims, in agreement with the challenges the Empire was confronted by from the end of the 3rd century to the beginning of the 7th (century).