This thesis reviews the architectural context of four churches in western Cilicia. These churches, namely the East Church at Alahan, the Cupola Church at Meryemlik, the Domed Ambulatory Church at Dagpazari, and the Tomb Church at Corycus, have been tentatively grouped by Stephen Hill under the name of Domed Basilicas based on their resemblance to the early 6th century models in Constantinople, the most famous being the Hagia Sophia. However, the dome comes forward in the Constantinopolitan context mainly as a feature in the establishment of a new architectural scheme that integrates a vertical axis into the oblong horizontal axiality of the basilica. Firstly, this thesis suggests that a similar integration visible in the planning of the Cilician churches is the essential point that needs to be studied. This seems to have been ignored by previous research. Consequently, the analytical approach that has concentrated on the possibility of a dome is criticized and a spatial interpretation is attempted. Moreover, as some scholars propose, these provincial examples might be the possible source of influence for the capital, if they are a local model dated to the end of the 5th century. Thus, issues pertaining to function, dating and patronage are overviewed, in order to obtain a wider perspective of interpretation. Finally, the general information concerning the Cilician examples was found to be based on surprisingly scanty and unverifiable physical testimony which points to the urgency and necessity of further fieldwork.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Princeton University, 1987. / Includes abstract. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 507-544).

This study investigates the archaeological and social contexts of early Christian burial practices at Ostia Antica, Rome’s port city, through a case study of the cemeterial basilica at Pianabella. Built on a pagan necropolis in ca. 400 AD, the Pianabella Basilica is one of the few unambiguously Christian monuments from Ostia in the Late Antique period. Consequently, it provides evidence for the continuities and transformations of late Roman culture during the period of Christianity’s rise to prominence. Examination of the construction of the basilica, as well as its rich iconography and epigraphy, proceeds through a social approach within a holistic view of material culture, showing that the physical characteristics of Christian burial were acquired through selective appropriation of common pagan mortuary practices while also adjusting to changing cultural assumptions. The Pianabella inscriptions show the persistence of patronage, while the construction of the basilica and its dedication to a nameless saint show the increasing importance of the suburbium for the city’s religious topography. The semi-monumental nature and advantaged location of this basilica made it an important meeting place for the Christians, whose appropriations can be seen in three aspects: (1) epigraphy suggests that patronage by the institutional church gradually replaced that by important families; (2) patterns of sarcophagus use point to attempts at social improvement while showing clear preference for less iconic forms of sarcophagi; and (3) the arrangement of the burials in the basilica’s main funerary enclosure and epigraphy emphasize the prominence of the saint to whom the basilica was dedicated. The basilica thus took on much of the ritual and social creativity that had belonged to the family tomb, where reunion in death did away with death’s sting, while providing Christians with a sense of community. The organization of funerary space at Pianabella suggests further that the focus of mortuary provision was ultimately on the living. Taken together, it seems that funerary processions to the basilica provided a sphere in which local Christians could benefit from communal meals and the spectacle of status display, while pointing to God as a new and improved type of paterfamilias. / text

In this master thesis we investigate, from a topological point of view and without applying Thurston´s Theorem, why the mating of the so called basilica polynomial <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-1%7D(z)=z%5E%7B2%7D-1" /> and the dendrite <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7Bi%7D(z)=z%5E%7B2%7D+i" /> is shared with the mating of <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-1%7D" /> and the dendrite <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-i%7D(z)=z%5E%7B2%7D-i" />. Both these matings equal the rational map <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?R_%7B3%7D(z)=%5Cfrac%7B3%7D%7Bz%5E%7B2%7D+2z%7D" />. Defined in the thesis are for both matings homeomorphic changes of coordinates<img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?%5Cpsi_%7B-1%7D%5E%7B%5Cpm%7D" /> from the set <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?L=%5Coverset%7B%5Ccirc%7D%7BK%7D%5Cleft(f_%7B-1%7D%20%5Cright)%5Ccup%5Cleft(%5Ccup_%7Bn=0%7D%5E%7B%5Cinfty%7Df_%7B-1%7D%5E%7B%5Ccirc(-n)%7D(z_%7B%5Calpha%7D)%5Cright)" /> to the Fatou and Julia set of <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?R_%7B3%7D" />. Here <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?K%5Cleft(f_%7B-1%7D%20%5Cright)" /> is the filled Julia set of <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-1%7D" /> and <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?z_%7B%5Calpha%7D" /> is the <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?%5Calpha" />-fixed point of <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?K%5Cleft(f_%7B-1%7D%20%5Cright)" />. / I detta examensarbete undersöker vi, från en topologisk synvinkel och utan applicering av Thurstons teorem, varför matchningen av det så kallade basilikapolynomet <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-1%7D(z)=z%5E%7B2%7D-1" /> och dendriten <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7Bi%7D(z)=z%5E%7B2%7D+i" /> är delad med matchningen av <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-1%7D" /> och dendriten <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-i%7D(z)=z%5E%7B2%7D-i" />. Båda dessa matchningar är lika med den rationella avbildningen  <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?R_%7B3%7D(z)=%5Cfrac%7B3%7D%7Bz%5E%7B2%7D+2z%7D" />. Definierat i examensarbetet är för båda matchningarna homoemorfa koordinatbyten<img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?%5Cpsi_%7B-1%7D%5E%7B%5Cpm%7D" /> från mängden<img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?L=%5Coverset%7B%5Ccirc%7D%7BK%7D%5Cleft(f_%7B-1%7D%20%5Cright)%5Ccup%5Cleft(%5Ccup_%7Bn=0%7D%5E%7B%5Cinfty%7Df_%7B-1%7D%5E%7B%5Ccirc(-n)%7D(z_%7B%5Calpha%7D)%5Cright)" /> till Fatou- och Juliamängden av <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?R_%7B3%7D" />. Här är <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?K%5Cleft(f_%7B-1%7D%20%5Cright)" /> den ifyllda Juliamängden av avbildningen <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?f_%7B-1%7D" /> och <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?z_%7B%5Calpha%7D" /> är den <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?%5Calpha" />-fixerade punkten i <img src="http://www.diva-portal.org/cgi-bin/mimetex.cgi?K%5Cleft(f_%7B-1%7D%20%5Cright)" />.

Thesis (doctoral)--Schlesische Friedrich-Wilhems-Universität zu Breslau, 1933. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

A Basílica romana é, para Zanker (2000: 36-7), uma das estruturas mais caracteristicamente romanas de qualquer cidade romana. Símbolo concreto da estrutura política, jurídica e social romana, sofreu alterações morfológicas e funcionais ao longo do tempo e do espaço que ainda intrigam os pesquisadores. O presente estudo busca conhecer esta estrutura, suas origens, principais características físicas e funcionais, transformações em Roma e no Império, mas especialmente na Gallia Comata, entendendo-a como um elemento utilizado pelo Império no processo de urbanização das províncias gaulesas. Para tal, foi realizado o estudo das basílicas desde seu surgimento, em Roma, sua difusão pelo Império. Como forma de conhecer as basílicas das Três Gálias (Lugdunense, Aquitânia e Bélgica, esta se desdobrando também em Germânia Superior e Inferior), elaborou-se um catálogo buscando, apesar das diferenças tipológicas, a homogeneidade dentro da sua utilização como elemento de urbanização romana da antiga Gallia Comata. E, para melhor entender a urbanização, foram estudados os oppida gauleses, as proto-cidades celtas dos séculos II e I a.C., o período imediatamente anterior à conquista romana. / According to Zanker (2000:36-7), the Roman Basilica is one of the most characteristic Roman structures of any Roman city. A concrete symbol of the political, juridic and social Roman structure, it suffered morphologic and funcional alteractions both in time and space that still intrigate the scholars. The present work tries to reveal and understand this structure, its origins, its main physical and functional caracteristics, its transformations in Rome and the Empire, but most specially in the Gallia Comata, seeing it as an element of the process of urbanization of the Gallic privinciae. To do so, we performed a study of the basilicas since its begnning, in Rome, its difusion by the Empire and, like a means to know the basilicas of the Three Gauls (Lugdunensis, Aquitanica and Belgium, this one divided into Belgica, Germania Superior and Germania Inferior), a catalog was made, searching, besides the typological differences, the homogeneity in their utilization as elements of Roman urbanization of the former Gallia Comata. And, for better understanding the urbanization, it was studied the Gallic oppida (hillforts), the Celtic proto-cities of the II and I centuries BC, the period that immediately preceded the period of the Roman conquest.

L’institution basilicale, ancrée dans le plus ancien passé de Rome, s’est longtemps caractérisée par un plan architectural spécifique héritant de l’édifice païen. Enrichie de privilèges liturgiques, partageant parfois les fonctions ou entrant en concurrence avec la cathédrale, graduellement dotée d’un statut canonique, la basilique constitue aussi un enjeu des relations que l’Église catholique romaine entretint avec les États et, au-delà, avec les sociétés civiles. La symbolique puissante et le prestige attachés aux basiliques – et au premier chef à celles, majeures et patriarcales, de la Ville – ont commandé, pour partie sur le fondement d’un décret de Pie VII daté de 1805, l’élaboration d’une politique pontificale d’octroi du titre de basilique mineure à des sanctuaires inscrits à la fois, moyennant un jeu d’échelles complexe, dans leur espace local et dans la dimension universelle, confluence permettant notamment aux pontifes de les utiliser comme relais de l’enseignement magistériel. Après le concile Vatican II et le décret du 9 novembre 1989 de l’actuelle Congrégation pour le Culte divin et la Discipline des Sacrements, la requête d’institution basilicale est d’abord appréciée au niveau de l’Église locale (diocèse et Conférence des évêques) avant d’être transférée au Saint-Siège, ce qui témoigne de la revalorisation des Églises particulières dans le processus. Celui-ci implique une relation triangulaire entre les trois protagonistes que sont le Saint-Siège, les responsables politiques de la région ou du pays où se trouve l’édifice construit ou à construire et le « peuple chrétien » concerné par la basilique instituée ou candidate au statut. In fine, c’est l’usage de la basilique par les fidèles, les pèlerins et les visiteurs qui contribue à définir l’importance générale de telle ou telle basilique pour l’Eglise. Le présent travail interroge sur la raison d’être et les caractéristiques propres aux basiliques, leur développement et leur multiplication à partir du XIXe siècle et surtout des pontificats qui ont suivi Vatican II ; sur 1.765 basiliques recensées actuellement, moins de 150 appartiennent à la période antique, médiévale et moderne, autant au XIXe siècle, mais plus d’un millier sont instituées au XXe siècle et plus de 200 depuis l’an 2000. Leur statut d’églises éminentes semble s’accommoder de leur expansion et de l’augmentation de leur fréquentation, voire les favoriser. Ce mouvement dynamique contemporain mérite d’être évalué comme signe de vitalité ecclésiale, de mutation autoentretenue ou de déploiement des orientations de Vatican II. À défaut de propositions d’évolution juridique, qui ne semblent pas s’imposer dans l’état actuel des choses, le présent travail contribue à une réflexion sur l’avenir de l’institution basilicale. / The basilican institution, rooted in the oldest past of Rome, has long been characterized by a specific architectural plan inheriting the previous pagan building. Enriched with liturgical privileges, sometimes sharing the functions or competing with the cathedral, gradually having a canonical status, the basilica was also involved in the relations that the Roman Catholic Church maintained with the states and civil societies. The powerful symbolism and prestige attached to the basilicas - and first and foremost to the City's major and patriarchal basilicas - commanded, partly on the basis of a decree of pope Pius VII (1805), the elaboration of a pontifical policy linked to the granting of the title of minor basilica. The Holy-See then granted the basilican title to shrines inscribed simultaneously in their local space and in the universal dimension, confluence allowing especially the pontiffs to use them as relay of magisterial teaching.After the Vatican II’s council and the decree of 9 November 1989 of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, the query for a basilican institution is first appreciated at the level of the local Church (Diocese and Conference of Bishops) before being transferred to the Holy See, an evolution which indicates the revalorization of the particular Churches in the institutional process. The actors involved in the basilica’s case of recognition present a triangular relationship between the Holy See, the political leaders of the region or country where the building is constructed or to be built and the "Christian people" concerned by the established or candidate basilica status. Ultimately, it is the current use of the basilica by the faithful, pilgrims and visitors that helps to define the general importance of this or that basilica for the Church.The present work questions the usefulness of basilicas, their development and multiplication from the nineteenth century and especially during the pontificates that followed Vatican II. From a total of 1.765 basilicas currently listed, less than 150 belong to the ancient, medieval and modern period, as much in the nineteenth century, but more than a thousand were instituted in the twentieth century and more than 200 since 2000. Their status as eminent churches seems to be accommodating themselves to their expansion and the increase in their attendance, or even to encourage this development. This dynamic contemporary movement has to be evaluated as a sign of ecclesial vitality, self-sustaining change or deployment of the Vatican II orientations.In the absence of proposals for legal evolution in this thesis, proposals which do not seem to be necessary in the current state of affairs, the present work contributes to a reflection on the basilican future in general in order to better define its coming trajectory.

No description available.

Deux entités composent le centre de Saint-Denis : d’un côté, l’ensemble monumental de l’ancienne abbaye qui, comme haut lieu de l’histoire nationale et de l’art gothique, revêt un caractère sacré ; de l’autre, l’espace urbain, à la fois populaire et commerçant, dont la mutation est inéluctable à cause, en particulier, de son état d’insalubrité. L’État, émanation de la souveraineté nationale, et la municipalité, représentation du peuple de Saint-Denis, sont happés, après l’épisode vichyste, qui constitue une nouvelle crise politique dans l’histoire de France, par l’urgence de la Reconstruction. C’est à partir du milieu des années 1950 que la reconfiguration de la centralité dionysienne peut être envisagée. La rénovation des abords de la basilique impose un dialogue entre histoire et modernité. Il semble contenir les ferments d’un renouveau politique : une « modernité à la française ». Les débats qui animent les pouvoirs publics et les spécialistes de la ville en proposent une retranscription. Quelles sont les valeurs convoquées dans cette opération d’urbanisme ? Que nous enseigne-t-elle de la reconstruction du récit national depuis la Libération en 1944 ? / Saint-Denis’ city center is twofold: on the one hand stands the sacred monumental complex of the ancient abbey, Mecca of the French national history and Gothic art, while on the other hand, the urban area is both a working-class and commercial environment, which mutation is unavoidable, in particular due to its overall degradation. In the aftermath of the great political crisis of the Vichy period, both the State, as an emanation of national sovereignty, and the municipality, as the representation of the people of Saint-Denis, are confronted with the city’s urgent need for reconstruction. It is only as of the mid-1950s that the reorganization of the Dionysian centrality becomes possible. Yet, the renovation of the surroundings of the basilica calls for a dialogue between history and modernity. This debate appears as the catalyst for a political renewal: a modernity à la française, highlighted by the heated debates between public authorities and specialists of the city. What are the values at stake in this urban renewal process? What are the key lessons triggered by such a project with regards to the reconstruction of the French national narrative since France’s liberation in 1944?

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