Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-11T10:23:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 luciovalera.pdf: 4142546 bytes, checksum: 2634c75353a1793fd0f8856fcbb58632 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-11T15:00:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 luciovalera.pdf: 4142546 bytes, checksum: 2634c75353a1793fd0f8856fcbb58632 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-11T15:00:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luciovalera.pdf: 4142546 bytes, checksum: 2634c75353a1793fd0f8856fcbb58632 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-25 / O Hinduísmo testemunhou no século XVI a consolidação da tradição devocional (bhakti), que se expressou notadamente por meio do Vaiṣṇavismo. Este movimento se es-palhou por todo o subcontinente indiano e teve como um dos seus principais personagens Caitanya Mahāprabhu (1486-1533). A tradição estabelecida por Caitanya teve no grande místico, filósofo e poeta Rūpa Gosvāmī (1489-1564) uma das suas maiores expressões teo-lógicas. Rūpa Gosvāmī integrou o conceito de experiência estética (rasa), enquanto essen-cialização das emoções, desenvolvido por Bharata Muni, o sistematizador das artes cênicas e poéticas da Índia, com o conceito de mística amorosa ou bhakti. Diferentes tradições de teorias estéticas e religiosas abriram o caminho para que Rūpa Gosvāmī desenvolvesse uma dimensão soteriológica que institui a devoção emocional enquanto experiência estéti-ca (bhakti-rasa). Os fundamentos dessa elaboração original que tem seu clímax na obra Bhakti-rasāmṛta-sindhu – objeto central dessa tese -, está profundamente enraizada na tra-dição védica das Upaniṣads, nos Tantras vaiṣṇavas e nos Purāṇas. Rūpa Gosvāmī seguin-do a tradição de Caitanya Mahāprabhu, mais conhecida como Vaiṣṇavismo Gauḍīya, iden-tificou a emoção devocional (bhakti-rasa) como caminho e condição perfeccional da existência, entendida como relação de amor puro por Kṛṣṇa (kṛṣṇa-prema-bhakti). / The Hinduism witnessed in the sixteenth century the consolidation of the devotional tradition (bhakti), which was expressed especially through the Vaiṣṇavism. This movement has spread across the Indian subcontinent and had as one of its main characters Caitanya Mahāprabhu (1486-1533). The tradition established by Caitanya had the great mystic, philosopher and poet Rūpa Gosvāmī (1489-1564) as one of his greatest theological expressions. Rūpa Gosvāmī has integrated the concept of aesthetic experience (rasa), while essentialization of emotions, developed by Bharata Muni, the systematizer of the scenic and poetic arts of India, with the concept of loving mystical or bhakti. Different traditions of aesthetic and religious theories paved the way for Rūpa Gosvāmī to develop a salvific dimension establishing the emotional devotion as an aesthetic experience (bhaktirasa). The reasons for this original development, which climaxes in the Bhakti-rasāmṛtasindhu work – the main object of this thesis – is deeply rooted in the Vedic tradition of the Upaniṣads, in Vaiṣṇava Tantras and Purāṇas. Rūpa Gosvāmī in the tradition of Caitanya Mahāprabhu, better known as Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism, identified the devotional emotion (bhakti-rasa) as the way and perfeccional condition of existence, understood as a relationship of pure love for Kṛṣṇa (kṛṣṇa-prema-bhakti).

The goal of this work is analysis of the terms and translation of Shivastotras from the work Shivastotravali. It's author is Utapaleda, the founder of philosophical system called Pratyabhijñā, which is one of the most important works in the school of Kashmiri Shaivism. The translation is focused on the difficult, mainly philosophical and religious terms, which appear in the text. The text of Shivastotravali is special because of it's religious character, thanks to which it also belongs to bhakti literature. Because of this fact, my work contains except for chapter concerning philosophical tradition also the chapter which deals with bhakti, which is the best characterized by total devotion to God. The result of this work is terminological dictionary containing difficult words, which we can find in the text. Keywords Utpaladeva Kashmiri Shaivism Pratyabhijna Bhakti

Il est de coutume de présenter Caṇḍeśa comme l’un des Nāyānar, ces saints śivaïtes du sud de l’Inde. Cependant, ilest le seul parmi ceux-ci à posséder un templion près du sanctuaire principal dans les grands temples à Śiva (Tanjavur,Gaṇgaikōṇḍacōḷapuram, Darasuram, Tribhūvanam). Caṇḍeśa est d’ailleurs considéré comme un assesseur (sanscrit.parivāradevatā) depuis le IXème siècle. Le but de cette étude est de montrer l’évolution de son iconographie du VIIIème siècle,moment où apparaissent ses premières représentations, jusqu’à la chute au XIIIème siècle de la dynastie Cōḷa qui anotablement encouragé son culte. Les sources textuelles nous apprennent que Caṇḍa, est, dans le Mahābhārata, l’un des centhuit noms de Śiva. Son origine est donc très ancienne. Parmi les tâches que Caṇḍeśa remplit on précisera qu’il est chargé dunirmālya, les restes du culte. D’autre part les inscriptions le mentionnent comme ayant la charge des biens du temple. Il a également une place dans le culte quotidien à Śiva. Ces prérogatives diverses expliquent les différentes formes iconographiques du jeune bhākta. Si à Bhairavakoṇḍa il apparaît comme un gardien, la période Pallava le montrera souvent dans le cadre d’une Caṇḍeśānugrahamūrti. À partir du IXème siècle, il prend place dans une petite chapelle située au nord-est du temple. Dans ces structures il est souvent figuré à deux bras, tenant la hachette dans une main, l’autre formant le gested’invitation au don (sanscrit. āhūyavarada mudrā). Sa popularité grandissant, des représentations à quatre bras et plusieursfaces sont apparues. Enfin, il a un rôle important dans les fêtes religieuses, pour lesquelles on a fabriqué des effigies en bronzele représentant. / It is commonly admitted that Caṇḍeśa is one of the 63 śaivite South Indian saints, usually known as the Nāyānar. Butamong them, he enjoys a special place as he is the only one to whom a shrine is dedicated in very important temples such asTanjavur, Gaṇgaikōṇḍacōḷapuram, Darasuram, Tribhūvanam. In fact he was considered a parivāradevatā since the Cōḷaperiod. This study attempts to analyze the evolution of Candesa’s Images and the development of his different iconographicaltypes, from his appearance during the Pallava period (VIIIth century) until the XIIIth century. Textual sources help to determinethe personality of the young bhākta. The fact that Caṇḍa is mentioned as a name of Śiva in the Mahābhārata reveals that hisroots are very ancient. Archaeological and textual evidence shows that he was in charge of the nirmālya, the remains of thesacred offerings to Śiva. Cōḷa inscriptions mentioned him as «ādidāsa », the first devotee. He was recognized as an importantdeity of the South Indian pantheon during the medieval period. To fulfil his duties, Caṇḍeśa took several forms. During the earlyperiod of his evolution he could be considered as a watchman, as in Bhairavakoṇḍa, where he sits at the cave temple’sentrance. A little later, another iconographical form, the Caṇḍeśānugrahamūrti, showed how he was chosen and deified by Śiva.To take care of the sacrificial remains, shrines of Caṇḍeśa were built near Śiva temples (at the North-East corner). Inside hischapel, Caṇḍeśa was often represented as a two-armed deity holding the hatchet with one hand, forming the āhūyavaradamudrā with the other. As he grew popular his iconography was enriched by four-armed and many-headed sculptures. At thesame time bronze images were cast so that he was honoured to take part in several temple festivals.

<p>Madhusudana Sarasvati (16th century), one of the greatest and most vigorous exponents of post-Samkara Advaita, was simultaneously, and somewhat paradoxically, a great devotee of Krsna. He authored several works in which he sought to give bhakti a more prominent place within Advaita, a system traditionally regarded as hostile to devotional spirituality. The Bhaktirasayana (BR), the most important of these, is an independent composition which attempts a theoretical integration of non-dualist metaphysics and the ecstatic devotionalism of the Bhagavata Purana. The work's main thesis, borrowed from the Vaisnava devotionalists, is that bhakti is highest goal of life (paramapurusartha). To establish this in the face of the orthodox Advaita doctrine that liberation alone is the highest aim, Madhusudana argues (1) that bhakti is God (bhagavat) appearing in the melted mind of the devotee, (2) that, since bhagavat is supreme bliss, so is bhakti, and (3) that bhakti includes knowledge of the atman and is a more blissful experience than moksa. While the argument for the experiential superiority of bhakti in the state of j ivanmukti ("liberation in life") is plausible, Madhusudana does not show, in Advaitic terms, how it can be experienced eternally after death. Moreover, he fails to establish that bhagavat is ontologically equal to Brahman, which makes it difficult to see how bhakti, as identified with bhagavat, can be ontologically superior, or even equal, to moksa. In short, he does not present a convincing argument for bhakti 's being the paramapurusartha. In later works such as the Gud a rthad ipika and Advaitassiddhi, Madhusudana abandons the idea that bhakti is an independent spiritual path and itself the paramapurus a rtha. The commonly accepted view that he was a champion of the cause of bhakti who successfully integrated devotion and Advaita cannot therefore be accepted without serious qualification.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

As part of the Phenomenological Method used in this dissertation, the research work applied the hermeneutical concepts of bhakti, karma and moksha. Focus was on the role played by the guru, the sadhus and devotees of the Swaminarayan Movement and how they related t~ their religious, ethical and social obligations. Their responses to ethical scriptures were evaluated, especially with a view to determining the extent to which ethical injunctions permeates, enhances, uplifts and shapes the adherents spiritually ,morally and socially. Swaminarayan ethics was also placed within the context of Classical Hindu Texts and in particular, the work of Ramanuja and his Vishistadvaita philosophy. Further, it has been observed that the quest for the Ultimate Reality (Purushottam) is through their relationship with Akshar, Guru Pramukh Swami, the model of ethical excellence whose charisma binds the fibre of the Movement and his role serves both the ethical and transcendental plane of the Movement. / Religious Studies and Arabic / MA (Religious Studies)

Cette thèse porte sur la figure historique de la reine tamoule Cempiyaṉ-Mahādevī, épouse de Gaṇḍarāditya-Cōḻa (r. c. 949-57) et mère d'Uttama-Cōḻa (r. 971-87). Restée dans l'Histoire comme la plus formidable patronne de temples de l'Inde méridionale, elle est célébrée comme un modèle de dévotion à son dieu et à son époux. L'ensemble du savoir sur la souveraine se fondant sur la production épigraphique qui enregistra son activité sur les sites śivaïtes du pays tamoul durant une période estimée à six décennies, la présente recherche se concentre sur ces sources premières. Présentées de façon indifférenciée comme des « inscriptions de la reine », elles n'avaient jamais été rassemblées, ni intégralement éditées, en dépit de la réputation dont elles jouissent depuis leurs premiers signalements par l'agence de recensement archéologique de l'Inde britannique. La thèse établit le corpus des mentions épigraphiques de Cempiyaṉ-Mahādevī sur lequel s'appuyer pour mettre en évidence la part jouée par cette somme d'épigraphes dans l'écriture de l'histoire d'une reine Cōḻa dont l'élaboration se fit dans le contexte de l'émergence des histoires régionales au XXe siècle. À l'issue d'une analyse structurale de la titulature épigraphique de la patronne royale enregistrée au cours des trois phases identifiées au sein de son activité, l'on montre que cette titulature constitue la trame d'un itinéraire biographique reconstruit. En confrontant ces inscriptions aux interprétations reçues dans plus d'un siècle de publications, l'étude livre une illustration de la notion de « personnage épigraphique ». / This thesis examines the historical figure of the Tamil queen Cempiyaṉ-Mahādevī, the spouse of Gaṇḍarāditya-Cōḻa (r. c. 949-57) and mother of Uttama-Cōḻa (r. 971-87). This woman, who went down in history as Southern India’s greatest patron of temple-building, is celebrated as a model of devotion to both her god and her husband. Since current knowledge on the queen appears to be based entirely on the epigraphic production that recorded her activity at Śaiva sites in the Tamil country during an estimated six–decade period, this study focuses on these primary sources. Indiscriminately conceived of as “inscriptions of the queen,” they have never been gathered together, nor edited in their entirety, despite the renown they have acquired from the time they were first reported by the Archaeological Survey of British India. The thesis draws up the corpus of Cempiyaṉ-Mahādevī’s epigraphical mentions. This will serve as the basis for examining the role played by this body of epigraphs in the writing of the history of a Cōḻa queen in the context of the twentieth-century rise of regional histories. Following a structural analysis of the royal patron’s epigraphic titulature recorded over the three identified phases within her activity, it is shown that this titulature serves as a framework for a reconstructed biographical itinerary. By confronting these inscriptions with the interpretations they received over more than a century of publication, the study provides an illustration of the concept of an “epigraphic persona.”

Cette thèse vise à décrire comment un ordre religieux subit des processus d'évolution et de transformation qui permettent d'interpréter et de satisfaire les besoins religieux de la société. L'hypothèse à la base de ce travail est que les ordres religieux et les gourous sont des éléments centraux qui caractérisent et influencent la société indienne dans le passé et dans le présent.Je focalise mon attention sur le sampradāya des Rāmānandī –groupe religieux datant de Rāmānanda- qui eut un rôle primordial dans la diffusion de la bhakti de Ram (dévotion envers Ram) dans le nord de l’Inde vers la fin du XVème siècle. Mon but est de montrer comment la figure de Rāmānanda et l’organisation de l’ordre religieux ont évolué au cours des siècles, pour être capables ensuite d’interpréter les principaux changements survenus au XXème siècle.A cause de ces différences internes, les Rāmānandīs n’ont jamais eu de représentant dans un centre officiel qui puisse fonctionner comme pôle directeur pour l’ordre. Donc, l’utilisation du titre de Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya et la construction du Śrī Math au XXème siècle représentent un changement significatif dans l’histoire de l’ordre. C’est pour cela que j’ai formulé mes principales questions, base de ma recherche, sur ce thème :1) pourquoi au XXème siècle, un sampradāya caractérisé par diverses disciplines religieuses (sādhanā-s) et diffusé dans différents centres indépendants a senti la nécessité de créer la fonction de Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya comme leader principal ?2) le Śrī Math fait-il partie de la reconstruction du charisme du Rāmānanda et est-il un instrument pour aider à la fonction de Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya ?Pour retracer l’évolution de la tradition des Rāmānandī de leur origine à nos jours j’ai utilisé une approche multidisciplinaire, dans laquelle méthodologies anthropologique et historique coopèrent. / In this dissertation, I focus my attention on the Rāmānandī sampradāya - a religious group supposedly formed by the religious teacher Rāmānanda – that had a primary role in spreading Rām bhakti (devotion toward Rām) throughout northern India, possibly from the end of the 15th century. My purpose here is to reconstruct how the representation of Rāmānanda and the organization of the sampradāya evolved over the centuries in order to interpret the two main changes that have occurred in the 20th century: the establishment of the office of Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya as the leader of the sampradāya, and the construction of the Śrī Maṭh, a monastery on the place where, according to the Rāmānandī tradition, Rāmānanda used to preach. Because of these internal distinctions, the Rāmānandī-s have never had a single representative leader installed in a particular place that could work as directive pole for the sampradāya. Therefore, the bestowing of the title of Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya and the construction of the Śrī Maṭh in the 20th century represent a significant change in the history of the order. For this reason, I formulated the main questions at the base of my research as follows: 1 Why has a sampradāya characterized by several religious disciplines (sādhanā-s) and spread across several independent religious centers established the office of a Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya as central leader in the 20th century? 2 Which role does the Śrī Maṭh play in the reconstruction of Rāmānanda’s charisma and in support of the office of Jagadgurū Rāmānandācārya? To accomplish my analysis I employ a multidisciplinary approach – described in Chapter 1 – in which anthropological and historical methodologies cooperate to reconstruct the evolution of the Rāmānandī tradition from its origin until the present.

As part of the Phenomenological Method used in this dissertation, the research work applied the hermeneutical concepts of bhakti, karma and moksha. Focus was on the role played by the guru, the sadhus and devotees of the Swaminarayan Movement and how they related t~ their religious, ethical and social obligations. Their responses to ethical scriptures were evaluated, especially with a view to determining the extent to which ethical injunctions permeates, enhances, uplifts and shapes the adherents spiritually ,morally and socially. Swaminarayan ethics was also placed within the context of Classical Hindu Texts and in particular, the work of Ramanuja and his Vishistadvaita philosophy. Further, it has been observed that the quest for the Ultimate Reality (Purushottam) is through their relationship with Akshar, Guru Pramukh Swami, the model of ethical excellence whose charisma binds the fibre of the Movement and his role serves both the ethical and transcendental plane of the Movement. / Religious Studies and Arabic / MA (Religious Studies)

La période pré moderne en Inde voit se développer la bhakti comme nouvelle religiosité distincte et dominer de façon quasi-totale la scène religieuse en Inde. Bien que nous n’avons pas atteint une masse critique des études qui établissent une incidence de la mystique musulmane sur la poésie dévotionnelle de Kabīr, ce papier de recherche aura pour objectif de démontrer l’existence d’un lien entre la bhakti et le soufisme indo-persan implanté depuis le sultanat de Delhi jusqu’à la fin de la période moghole en se concentrant sur une question : Dans quelle mesure les pratiques ascétiques du poète Kabīr se sont développées sous l'influence de l’idéologie et la mystique soufie? Il examine comment une figure de bhakti comme Kabīr a embrassé la conception soufie de la spiritualité dans un rapport d’emprunt et d’association intime sans modifier la généalogie hindoue de cette sensibilité dévotionnelle. Les mouvements bhakti et soufi du sous-continent n'ont pas seulement montré la quête d'un individu ou d'un groupe d'individus pour atteindre la connaissance, la grâce, ou l'unicité avec l'Être suprême, ils ont insufflé à la masse des dévots hindous et musulmans une voie unique afin de rejoindre la Réalité ultime en transcendant le phénomène des identités religieuses peu ou pas définies à cette époque d’hybridité religieuse et qui furent amplement forgées par l’idée du salut par la voie mystique indépendamment du concept de la religion tel que comprise par l’érudition moderne. / The pre-modern period in India sees the development of bhakti as a new and distinct religiosity and almost completely dominates the religious scene in India. Although we have not reached a critical mass of studies that establish an impact of Muslim mysticism on Kabīr's devotional poetry, this research paper will aim to demonstrate the existence of a link between bhakti and Indo-Persian Sufism implanted from the Delhi Sultanate to the end of the Mughal period by focusing on one question: To what extent did the ascetic practices of the poet Kabīr develop under the influence of Sufi ideology and mysticism? It examines how a bhakti figure like Kabīr embraced the Sufi conception of spirituality in a relationship of borrowing and intimate association without altering the Hindu genealogy of this devotional sensibility. The bhakti and Sufi movements of the subcontinent did not merely demonstrate the quest of an individual or group of individuals to attain knowledge, grace, or oneness with the Supreme Being, they instilled in the mass of Hindu and Muslim devotees a unique path to reach the Ultimate Reality by transcending the phenomenon of religious identities that were little or not defined in that era of religious hybridity and that were amply forged by the idea of salvation through the mystical path independently of the concept of religion as understood by modern scholarship.

In the following essay, I will present my fieldwork that I've conducted in Radhakund India. For three weeks I was living in a hindu monastery (eg. ashram) that primarily houses a group of swedes who have formerly suffered from substance-abuse and have gone through medical detoxification, rehabilitation and 12-step treatment. They have all eventually taken up the religious/spiritual practice that the monastery focuses on; meditative and ritual practice in the tradition of gaudiya-vaishnavism. The monastery, namned Bhajan Kutir Ashram, was formed by the psychologist and author Torbjörn Fjellström, who himself is a practitioneer of gaudiya-vaishnavism. Besides rituals and meditation, pilgrimage to Radhakund is part of the religious practice and tradition these people adhere to. My ambition has been to investigate if their religious/spiritual practice in this tradition has been helpful in their recovery. My conclusion is that they have recovered through the cognitive and emotive tools, analytically called Sense of Coherence (SOC) that are found both in the 12-step treatment and the gaudiya-vaishnava-tradition. While the 12-step treatment has helped the respondents to recover from substance-abuse, their religious/spiritual practice in the context of gaudiya-vaishnavism is seen as a natural continuation of the 12 steps and a deepening of its principles. Another theoretical conclusion drawn from the material is that the way the respondents describe recovery, is practically impossible to separate from their religious/spiritual practice and perspectives.