Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) Act, Act 53 of 2003, has made it essential that businesses with more than fifty employees become black empowered in the shortest possible time frame (2-3 years) which is both practically possible and economically feasible. The aim with government's introduction of BBBEE is to address inequalities resulting from the systematic exclusion of the majority of South Africans from meaningful participation in the economy. With the introduction of the BBBEE Code of Good Practice, compliance with the requirements as set out by the government was further defined. A balanced scorecard has been introduced by the Department of Trade and Industry that assists companies to measure their level of integration. Compliance to the legislation has become a necessity for businesses in South Africa to be competitive and to grow. The balanced scorecard and the ever mounting pressure to be competitive have resulted in black economic empowerment (BEE) transactions being more focussed on equity deals than on truly empowerment. A hypothesis is that these types of transactions would not be sustainable due to the nature of the relationships and seeming lack of strategic processes. With the current balanced scorecard, there is also no provision made for the measurement of sustainability. To be competitive remains the key to any business' strategic objectives. This would therefore imply that the BEE transactions should hold a competitive advantage for the business and promote the objective of black economic empowerment as a socioeconomic process, ultimately contributing to the economic transformation of South Africa. It is within this context that the study explored the application of growth strategies and the modelling of these strategies to BEE. An exploratory and mainly descriptive research study was conducted to determine whether a model for sustainable empowerment could be developed using the strategic growth strategies as the framework. Each strategy, namely diversification, mergers and acquisition and strategic alliances was evaluated in terms of its contribution to the competitive advantage of a company. Using the principles from a strategic growth perspective it is believed that a number of concerns for small and medium size businesses in South Africa could be addressed. These include amongst others, growing more competitively through diversification into the core business, selecting partnerships/alliances that match the strategy of the company, avoiding fronting through the establishment of strategic alliances based on the improvement of efficiency and effectiveness, transferring skills and knowledge through diversification, strengthening existing business domain through an alliance that enhances the core strengths of a company. The recommendation to apply a more strategic model to BEE also resulted in the recommendation of a more comprehensive tool to measure the effectiveness and the sustainability of the growth strategy. A recommendation is made to apply the balanced scorecard and to integrate the strategic objectives of the company with the BEE objectives defined by government. The result is a model that reflects the sustainable competitive advantage of a business aligned with its vision and mission. Both the competitive advantage and sustainability are therefore addressed through the model application that would, in all likelihood, also prove to have a direct effect on the financial outcome of the business in the future. BEE, in its legislative form, is unique to South Africa and is a strategic tool to contribute to the economic transformation of South Africa. In a country that is in the process of creating a new middle class, this model could have a distinct impact on other developing countries in the world and further research on the application of a sustainable BEE model to create economic prosperity in the developing society could prove to be of significant value. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ingevolge die Algemene Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtigings (BBBEE) Wetgewing, Wet 53 van 2003, is dit vir sake-ondernemings met meer as vyftig werknemers noodsaaklik om swart bemagtiging in die kortste moontlike tydsbestek (2 - 3 jaar) in werking te stel; 'n tydsduur wat beide prakties haalbaar en ekonomies uitvoerbaar is. Die meerderheid Suid- Afrikaners is van enige betekenisvolle deelname in die ekonomie stelselmatig uitgesluit en die regering se oogmerk met die implementering van die BBBEE is om dié ongelykheid uit die weg te ruim. Met die invoering van die gedragskode is die vlak van inskiklikheid meer breedvoerig gedefinieer. Ter wille van mededingendheid en groei het dit vir sake-ondernemings noodsaaklik geword om hierdie betrokke wetgewing te ondersteun. Die ewewigtige meetinstrument en die voortdurende druk om 'n hoër vlak van mededingendheid het tot gevolg dat daar meer gekonsentreer word op gewone aandeletransaksies as op ware bemagtiging. 'n Hipotese is dat hierdie tipe transaksies nie volhoudbaar sal wees nie weens die aard van die verhoudings en skynbare gebrek aan strategiese prosesse. Met die huidige meetinstrument is daar ook geen voorsiening gemaak vir die meting van volhoudbaarheid nie. Van kardinale belang vir enige sake-onderneming is om mededingend handel te dryf. Dit veronderstel dat die BEE-transaksies behoort 'n mededingende voordeel vir die sakewêreld te ondervang en die doelwitte van swart bemagtiging as 'n sosio-ekonomiese proses te bevorder. Hierdie benadering sal mettertyd 'n wesenlike bydrae lewer tot die transformasie van Suid-Afrika. Dit is binne hierdie verband wat hierdie studie die toepassing van groei-strategieë nagevors het en voorts die uitvoering van hierdie strategieë vir BEE toe te pas. 'n Ondersoekende- en hoofsaaklik beskrywende navorsingstudie is onderneem om te bepaal watter model vir standhoudende bemagtiging ontwikkel kan word met gebruik van die strategiese groeistrategieë as raamwerk. Elke strategie, dit wil sê diversifisering, samesmeltings en strategiese alliansies en venootskappe, is in terme van hulle bydrae tot die mededingende voordeel van die maatskappy, beoordeel. Met die toepassing vanuit 'n strategiese groei-perspektief, is die skrywer van mening dat verskeie besorgdhede oor BEE vir klein- en medium sake-ondernemings in Suid-Afrika aangespreek kan word. Dit sluit onder andere in, om mededingendheid te ontwikkel deur diversifikasie in die sake kern, selektering van vennootskappe/ alliansies wat ooreenstem met die strategie van die maatskappy. Ook deur frontering te verhoed deur die vestiging van strategiese samewerking, gegrond op verbeterde doeltreffendheid en doelmatigheid. Voorts deur kennis en vaardigheid oor te dra deur diversifikasie, versterking van die bestaande sakedomein deur samewerking, wat die inherente krag van die maatskappy ondervang. Die aanbeveling om 'n meer betekenisvolle model vir BEE toe te pas het gelei tot 'n aanbeveling vir 'n meer toepaslike instrument om die doelmatigheid en standhoudenheid van die groeistrategie te meet. Ook word aanbeveel dat die ewewigtige meetinstrument toegepas word en die strategiese doelwitte van die maatskappy te integreer met die BEE doelwitte, soos deur die regering gedefinieer. Die uitkoms is 'n model wat die volhoubare mededingende voordeel van 'n sake-onderneming, gerig op sy visie en missie, weerspieël. Beide die mededingende voordeel en volhoubaarheid word dus aangespreek deur die toepassing van die model, wat in alle waarskynlikheid ook sal bewys dat dit 'n direkte invloed op die toekomstige finansiële uitkoms van die sake-onderneming sal uitoefen. BEE, in sy wetgewende formaat, is eie aan Suid-Afrika en is 'n strategiese instrument wat bydra tot die ekonomiese transformasie van Suid-Afrika. In 'n land wat in die proses is van die skepping van 'n nuwe middelklas, kan hierdie model 'n besliste uitwerking hê op ander ontwikkelende lande in die wêreld. Verdere navorsing in die toepassing van 'n volhoudbare BEE-model om ekonomiese vooruitgang in die ontwikkelende samelewing te bewerkstellig kan heel waarskynlik 'n betekenisvolle bydrae lewer.

Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as these factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. My study examines the life of Fulani Sunni Ali, her role in black liberation, her role as the Minister of Information for the Provisional Government for the Republic of New Africa, and her communication strategies. In doing so, I evaluate a black female revolutionary nationalist’s discursive negotiation of her identity during the Black Power and Black Nationalist Movement. I also use womanist criticism to analyze interviews with Sunni Ali and archival data in her possession to reveal the complexity and diversity of black women’s roles and activities in a history of black resistance struggle and to locate black female presence and agency in Black Power. The following study more generally analyzes black female revolutionary nationalists’ roles, activities, and discursive identity negotiation during the Black Power Movement. By examining Sunni Ali’s life and the way she struggled against racism and patriarchy to advocate for Black Power and Black Nationalism, I demonstrate how her activism was a continuation of a tradition of black women’s resistance, and I extrapolate her forms of black women’s activism extant in the movement.

This dissertation examines the idea of community development in the last four decades of the twentieth century through the example of the Harlem neighborhood of New York City and, in doing so, explains the broader transformation of the American city in these decades. Frustration with top-down urban redevelopment and the rise of Black Power brought new demands to Harlem, as citizens insisted on the need for “community control” over their built environment. In attempting to bring this goal to life, Harlemites created new community-based organizations that promised to realize a radically inclusive, cooperative ideal of a neighborhood built by and for the benefit of its predominantly low-income, African-American residents. For several reasons, including continued reliance on the public sector, dominant leaders, changing sociological understandings of poverty, and the intransigence of activists, however, such organizations came to advance a narrower approach in Harlem in succeeding years. By the 1980s, they pursued a moderate vision of Harlem’s future, prioritizing commercial projects instead of development that served residents’ many needs, emphasizing economic integration, and eschewing goals of broad structural change. In examining community design centers, community development corporations, self-help housing, and other neighborhood-based strategies, I conclude that local actors achieved their longstanding aspiration that they could become central to the process of development in Harlem and similar places, but built a dramatically different reality than the idealistic hope that had fueled demands for community control in the late 1960s. This ironic outcome reveals the unexpected, radical roots of urban landscapes that by the end of the century were characterized by increasing privatization, economic gentrification, and commercial redevelopment. Likewise, it demonstrates that such dramatic changes in American cities were not simply imposed on unwitting neighborhoods by outsiders or the result of abstract forces, but were in part produced by residents themselves. Understanding the mutable nature of community development helps to explain both the complicated course of urban development in the aftermath of modernist planning and the lasting, often contradictory consequences of the radical demands that emerged from the 1960s, two areas that historians have only begun to examine in detail.

No description available.

Black communities located in cities across the country became sites of explosive political unrest during the mid-1960s. These uprisings coincided with a period of intensified political activity among African Americans nationally, and played a decisive role in expanding national concern with black political struggle from a singular focus on the Civil Rights movement led by black southerners to consider the "race problem" clearly present in the cities of the North and West. Moreover, unrest within urban black communities emerged at a time when alternate political analyses of the relationship between black people and the American state that challenged the goal of integration and presented different visions of black freedom and identity were gaining considerable traction. The most receptive audience for these radical and nationalist critiques was found among black students and cadres of militant, young black people living in cities who insisted on the right to self determination for black people, and advocated liberation through revolution and the application of black power to secure control over their communities as the most appropriate goal of black political struggle. The following study examines grassroots political organizations formed by black people in Cleveland, Ohio during the early 1960s in order to analyze the development of the tactics, strategies, and ideologies that became hallmarks of Black Power by the end of the decade. These developments are understood within the context of ongoing political struggle, and particular attention is paid to the machinations of the multifaceted system of racial oppression that shaped the conditions against which black Clevelanders fought. This struggle, initially aimed at securing unrestricted employment, housing, and educational opportunities for black people, and curtailing episodes of police brutality against them, culminated in five days of unrest during July 1966. The actions of city officials, especially the Mayor and members of the Cleveland Police Department, during the Hough uprising clarified the nature of black oppression in Cleveland, thereby illuminating the need for and uses of both the formal political power of the ballot, as well as the power of the bullet to defend black people and communities through the force of arms.

No description available.

James Forman's Black Manifesto demanded $500 million in reparations from the nation's white churches and synagogues for their financial, moral, and spiritual complicity in the centuries of injustice carried out upon African Americans. Many African-American ministers in the North embraced the Black Power ideology and supported Forman's call for financial redress. These Northern clergymen had become exasperated with an interracial civil rights movement that neglected to confront the systemic racism that permeated the nation's culture. Black Manifesto activists attempted to compel the white churches into paying reparations by interrupting worship services and occupying church buildings throughout the urban North. While the vast majority of the American public believed that the Black Manifesto was simply an attempt to extort money from the white churches, there was a racially diverse contingent of clergymen who wholeheartedly supported the call for reparations. The primary reason that Philadelphia became one of the key arenas in the struggle for reparations was the presence of Muhammad Kenyatta, the local Black Economic Development Conference leader. Kenyatta implemented myriad confrontational tactics in an attempt to cajole the Philadelphia-area denominations into responding affirmatively to the Black Manifesto's demands. The young activist was able to form an alliance with influential leaders within the Episcopal Diocese of Pennsylvania. Paul Washington, an African-American minister, and Bishop Robert DeWitt, a white clergyman, supported the Black Manifesto and encouraged their fellow Episcopalians to do likewise. The duo's support for the Black Manifesto encouraged the Episcopalians to become the first predominantly white denomination to pay reparations to the Black Economic Development Conference. Although the payment was just $200,000, the concept of supporting a militant African-American organization was more than many conservative Episcopalians could tolerate. The debate over the Black Manifesto at the denomination's 1969 Special General Convention also enabled many African-American ministers to express long-held grievances regarding racism in the Church. A detailed examination of the rancorous debate over the Black Manifesto in Philadelphia complicates any simplistic narrative of the struggle for racial justice in the North. While many historians have blamed Black Power activists for derailing the civil rights movement, this study reveals that the fight against structural racism in the North generated political unity among African Americans that has lasted to the present day. The conflict among Philadelphians over the Black Manifesto was in no way split along racial lines. Many of document's most vehement supporters were white while many of its greatest detractors were conservative African Americans. The dispute over the Black Manifesto in Philadelphia illuminates the intellectual diversity present within the African-American population as well as the Black Power movement itself. / History

In 1965, Blacks were only about 4.5 percent of the total enrollment in American higher education. College programs and offices geared to Black students were rare. There were few courses on Black people, even at Black colleges. There was not a single African American Studies center, institute, program, or department on a college campus. Literature on Black people and non-racist scholarly examinations struggled to stay on the margins of the academy. Eight years later in 1973, the percentage of Blacks students stood at 7.3 percent and the absolute number of Black students approached 800,000, almost quadrupling the number in 1965. In 1973, more than 1,000 colleges had adopted more open admission policies or crafted particular adjustments to admit Blacks. Sections of the libraries on Black history and culture had dramatically grown and moved from relative obscurity. Nearly one thousand colleges had organized Black Studies courses, programs, or departments, had a tutoring program for Black students, were providing diversity training for workers, and were actively recruiting Black professors and staff. What happened? What forced the racial reformation of higher education? A social movement I call the Black Campus Movement. Despite its lasting and obvious significance, the struggle of these Black campus activists has been marginalized in the historiographies of the Student, Black Student, and Black Power Movements with White student activism, Black students' off-campus efforts, and the Black Panther Party dominating those respective sets of literature. Thus, in order to bring it to the fore, we should conceive of new historiography, which I term the Black Campus Movement. This dissertation is the first study to chronicle and analyze that nationwide, eight-year-long Black Campus Movement that diversified higher education. An Afrocentric methodology is used to frame the study, which primarily synthesized secondary sources--books, government studies, scholarly, newspaper and magazine articles--and composed this body of information into a general narrative of the movement. The narrative shows the building of the movement for relevance from 1965 to 1967 in which students organized their first Black Students Unions and made requests from the administration. By 1968, those requests had turned into demands, specifically after administrators were slow in instituting those demands and the social havoc wrought by the Orangeburg Massacre and the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Instead of meeting with college officials over their concerns, Black students at Black and White colleges began staging dramatic protests for more Black students, faculty, administrators, coaches, staff, and trustees, as well as Black Studies courses and departments, Black dorms, and other programs and facilities geared to Black students. This protest activity climaxed in the spring of 1969, the narrative reveals. In response, higher education and the American government showered the students with both repressive measures, like laws curbing student protests, and reforms, like the introduction of hundreds of Black Studies programs, all of which slowed the movement. By 1973, the Black Campus Movement to gain diversity had been eclipsed by another movement on college campuses to maintain the diverse elements students had won the previous eight years. This struggle to keep these gains has continued into the 21st century, as diversity abounds on campuses across America in comparison to 1965. / African American Studies

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This empirical study was aimed at analysing the financial performance of black economic empowered companies, as selected per Impumelelo publication - 2000/1 edition. The Unit of Analysis of this study is therefore the phenomenon commonly described as Black Economic Empowerment, and in particular the financial performance of these business entities with specific interest in the following ratios; ROE, ROA, PIE and DIE. The fundamental problems analysed in this study are: Whether these Companies can financially perform consistently, with specific reference to ROE (Management effectiveness) and ROA (Company's efficiency); Whether these Companies utilised their capital efficiently - Financial leverage; Whether is worth investing in any commercial bank or in black economic empowerment Companies; Market perception of these Companies; Whether these Companies are really highly geared; through a comparative study between Impumelelo sample and similar white-owned companies, to assess the better performer on Management effectiveness and Company efficiency. The purpose of this study was further to draw appropriate empowerment strategies from the U.S.A, Malaysia and Brazil; contextualised them into the South African situation. The outcomes of these analysis revealed that black economic empowerment companies are indeed highly geared than their white-counterparts, and due to this inherent risk inconsistency in performance has been identified. Within the selected performance categories only half of the sample is classified as good performers, eight percent as excellent performers while profitability is maintained by seventy six percent of the companies. Over the period reviewed more then ninety percent of these companies' consistently signalled wrong perceptions to the market. On the comparative study, the Impumelelo sample overwhelmingly outperformed the white-owned sample on ROE and ROA per sector. Impumelelo sample revealed volatility in the returns comparing to low stable returns by the white-owned sample. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie empiriese studie was om die finansiële prestasie van swart ekonomiesbemagtigde maatskappye, soos geselekteer deur Impumelelo - 2000/1 uitgawe, te analiseer. Die onderwerp van hierdie studie is dus die verskynsel gewoonlik beskryf as Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging, en in die besonder die finansiële prestasies van hierdie entiteite, veral die volgende verhoudings (ratio's): Wins op Belegging, Wins op Bates, Prys/verdienste en Skuld/ekwiteit. Die fundamentele probleme wat hierdie studie analiseer is: Kan hierdie maatskappye konsekwent finansieel presteer veral wat betref Bekwaamheid van Bestuur en Bekwaamheid van die Maatskappy? Kan hierdie maatskappye hulle kapitaal effektief gebruik? (Finansiële hefboming.) Is dit beter om in 'n handelsbank te belê of in swart ekonomies-bemagtigde maatskappye? Wat is die mark persepsie van hierdie maatskappye? Maak hierdie maatskappye werklik op grootskaal gebruik van hefboming? Hoe vergelyk hierdie Impumelelo steekproef met soortgelyke maatskappye in wit besit, veral wat betref die bedrewenheid van die bestuur en die effektiwiteit van die maatskappy? 'n Verdere doelwit van hierdie studie is om toepaslike bemagtigings strategië van die VSA, Malaysië en Brasilië te bestudeer in samehang met die Suid-Afrikaanse situasie. Die uitslag van hierdie studie is dat swart ekonomies-bemagtigde maatskappye inderdaad meer van hefboming gebruik maak as hulle wit eweknieë, en as 'n gevolg van hierdie inherente risiko is hulle prestasies soms inkonsekwent. In die selekteerde prestasie kategorië kon net die helfde van die steekproef geklassifiseer word as goeie presteerders en agt persent as uitstaande presteerders. Ses-en-sewentig van die maatskappye toon 'n wins. Gedurende die periode onder bespreking het meer as neëntig persent van hierdie maatskappye aanhoudend verkeerde seine na die mark uitgestuur. In die vergelykende studie het die Impumelelo steekproef oorweldigend die steekproef in wit besit verbygesteek veral wat effektiwiteit betref per sektor. Die Impumelelo steekproef se wins is onbestendig in vergelyking met die lae, stabiele wins van die steekproef in wit besit.

The overarching goal of this research is to explicate the implications of hip hop artists sampling Nina Simone's music in their work. By regarding Simone as a critical social theorist in her own right, one can hear the ways that hip hop artists are mobilizing her tradition of socially active self-definition from the Civil Rights/Black Power era(s) in the post-2000 United States. By examining both the lyrics and the instrumental compositions of Lil Wayne, Juelz Santana, Common, Tony Moon, Talib Kweli, Mary J. Blige and Will.I.Am, G-Unit and Timbaland, and bearing in mind the intersecting oppressions of race, class, gender, and sexuality, this study concludes that the way that these artists employ Simone's recorded voice in their works oftentimes corresponds to the degree to which they retain her figurative message. While many would assume that these tendencies would correspond with the subgenres of "mainstream" and "conscious" hip hop, in fact the fluidity and complexity of these artists' positions in subgenre refutes this essentialist notion. By engaging in an intersectional analysis of the political and personal implications of hip hop sampling, this essay provides a critical interpretation of the ways the cultural products of the "Civil Rights era" still operate in contemporary U.S. society. These operations are integral to the human rights struggle in which we are all still very much engaged.