From colonies to nation, this work identifies and emphasizes the influence of interdependent communal relationships on the ascent of the charter school movement. These ideals were made manifest in colonial social covenants that were then compromised by the conformist republican mandate of the common school. These ideals were recovered incrementally as education was affected by broader historical forces, most notably the implementation of court-sanctioned racial apartheid during the Plessy era, the reaction to the underwhelming impact of Brown, and, beginning in the 1980s, the rise of legislation that prepared the way for charter schools. Moreover, this work challenges the assumption that charter schools have proven popular with American citizens due solely to promises of superior academic results. Alternatively, this work suggests that charter schools have prospered because they have challenged the state monopoly in K-12 education, and have thus returned balance to the dynamic between the individual and the state. Finally, this work troubles the idea that charter schools are balkanizing American education, suggesting that the right of citizens to form charter schools, in an effort to sustain unique communities, justifies and is in fact endorsed by the American metanarrative. Research on American charter schools lacks a coherent historical framework. This work provides the charter school movement with an historical narrative that argues for the movement’s legitimacy based on its consistency with the American Republic’s founding philosophy. / Graduate / 0323 / 0337 / 0520 / smg32@duke.edu

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Illinois State University, 1979. / Title from title page screen, viewed Feb. 2, 2005. Dissertation Committee: J.H. McGrath (chair), Ben C. Hubbard, Mary K. Huser, Clinton R. Bunke, Larry Kennedy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-117) and abstract. Also available in print.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / nÃo hà / O estudo realizado sobre a atuaÃÃo do Conselho de EducaÃÃo do Cearà tem por finalidade a compreensÃo de como a instituiÃÃo estruturou, atravÃs de legislaÃÃes educacionais vigentes na dÃcada de 1970, a educaÃÃo escolar cearense. Essa organizaÃÃo foi conduzida atravÃs de pareceres e resoluÃÃes especÃficos, portanto os meios disponÃveis para essa finalidade, proporcionando o entendimento sobre a eventual existÃncia de interpretaÃÃes legais, por parte dos pareceristas, os Conselheiros da EducaÃÃo, dotando-os de uma capacidade de atuaÃÃo no CearÃ, extrapolando e distorcendo suas funÃÃes especÃficas, que era o de interpretar e aplicar a legislaÃÃo educacional definida pela reforma de 1971, atravÃs da Lei 5692/71, atendendo a uma determinaÃÃo dos governos autoritÃrios do perÃodo, dotado de caracterÃsticas vinculadas as restriÃÃes de liberdade individual e coletiva, comuns na Ãpoca. Para isso foi utilizado para analise um conjunto de documentos, fontes escritas, produzidos ao longo de uma dÃcada pela instituiÃÃo, com seu carÃter oficial, constando as interpretaÃÃes, posicionamentos e definiÃÃes sobre educaÃÃo escolar e o momento polÃtico. Com base nessa documentaÃÃo, com a mediaÃÃo de outras fontes pertinentes a Ãpoca, percebeu-se que apÃs sua refundaÃÃo em 1965 pelo governador cearense VirgÃlio TÃvora o Conselho buscou legitimar suas aÃÃes na sociedade local, e gradualmente, de forma coercitiva estabeleceu uma organizaÃÃo da educaÃÃo escolar no Cearà no cumprimento das normas, leis e regras vigentes. Apesar de ser uma instituiÃÃo vinculada ao Estado nÃo hà indicaÃÃo clara de que se desenvolveu um conjunto de atos administrativos restritivos de liberdade, alÃm da adoÃÃo de puniÃÃes as escolas ou a seus integrantes, diretores, professores e secretÃrios escolares, bem como estudantes, atendendo a uma deliberaÃÃo direta dos organismos de repressÃo polÃtica desenvolvidos no perÃodo. Com isso à possÃvel aferir que: foi ineficaz o uso do Conselho de EducaÃÃo do Cearà na dÃcada de 1970 com fins a atender a repressÃo polÃtica aos movimentos de contestaÃÃo ao regime autoritÃrio em grande parte com a participaÃÃo de estudantes secundaristas. / The study on the performance of the Board of Education of Cearà aims at understanding how the institution structured through educational legislation in force in the 1970s, school education CearÃ. This organization was led by opinions and resolutions specific, so the means available for this purpose, providing the understanding of the possible existence of legal interpretations by the referees, the Board of Education, giving them an ability to act in Cearà extrapolating and distorting their specific functions, which was to interpret and apply the law determined by educational reform, 1971, by Law 5692/71, in response to a determination of the period of authoritarian rule, endowed with characteristics related restrictions on individual freedom and collective, common at the time. For it was used to analyze a set of documents, written sources, produced over a decade by the institution with their official, stating interpretations, positions and definitions of school education and political momentum. From this documentation, with mediation from other sources relevant to the season, it was noticed that after its re-foundation in 1965 by the governor of Cearà Virgilio Tavora the Council sought to legitimize their actions in the local society, and gradually, coercively established an organization of education school in Cearà in compliance with standards, rules and legislation. Although an institution linked to the State no clear indication that developed a set of administrative acts restrictive of freedom, besides adopting punishments schools or their members, directors, secretaries and school teachers as well as students, attending deliberation direct bodies of political repression developed in the period. With this it is possible to infer that: was ineffective use of the Board of Education of Cearà in 1970 with the purpose to serve the political repression of opposition movements to the authoritarian regime largely attended by high school students.

Orientador: Nora Rut Krawczyk / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T01:58:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_Sandra_M.pdf: 2155586 bytes, checksum: d16e04c0c56f27a5cbae5fd874c7ccec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo geral desta pesquisa consiste em analisar a atuação do Conselho Municipal de Educação de Atibaia durante o período de 2001 a 2012, sob a gestão do Partido Verde (PV), buscando verificar como e em que medida o Conselho Municipal de Educação tem contribuído nos processos de tomada de decisão, nas definições de políticas públicas educacionais e na democratização da gestão pública do município de Atibaia. O processo metodológico que permeia esta pesquisa inclui entrevistas com os grupos de conselheiros e ex-conselheiros, observações e análise documental. Baseada na modalidade da pesquisa descritiva e analítica buscou-se analisar o Conselho Municipal de Educação de Atibaia, no período entre 2001 e 2012, ocasião em que esteve sob a gestão do Partido Verde (PV), cujo discurso político ancora-se na gestão democrática e na participação social nos processos decisórios. O tratamento dos dados foi realizado a partir do referencial teórico sobre conselhos de educação, democracia, participação e gestão democrática. Os Conselhos Municipais de Educação estão inseridos no cenário do sistema educacional brasileiro como potenciais instrumentos de democratização das políticas públicas, caso desempenhem o papel para o qual foram criados, ou seja, ser o elo de ligação entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, a fim de proporcionar um espaço dialógico para produção de políticas educacionais, bem como possibilitar maior transparência e decisões colegiadas na educação municipal. Verificamos com a análise dos dados que o CME de Atibaia não assume este papel, uma vez que não se constitui em tal elo de ligação, não contribuindo portanto, para a democratização da gestão pública do município, ao contrário, a dinâmica de trabalho do Conselho e os entraves relatados nesta pesquisa demonstram que apesar do discurso, no período em que o Partido Verde esteve no poder no município (2001-2012), o CME atuou mais como órgão legitimador das demandas enviadas pela SME do que como instrumento de participação social, nos processos decisórios em relação à educação do município. Os resultados apontam também que, apesar do aspecto positivo da busca por participação, ainda existe um longo caminho a ser percorrido que substitua a forma atual de funcionamento cartorial e burocrática / Abstract: The main objective of this research is to analyze the performance of the Municipal Board of Atibaia Education during the period of 2001 to 2012 under the Management of the Green Party (PV) to verify how the City Board of Education has contributed in the processes of decision making, the definitions of public educational policies and public democratization of Atibaia. The methodological process of this research includes interviews with groups of directors and former directors, observations and document analysis. Based on the mode of descriptive and analytical research it was analyzed the Municipal Board of Education in Atibaia, between 2001 and 2012, when it was under the management of the Green Party (PV), whose political speech is based on democratic management and social participation in decision making. Data analysis was achieved using the theoretical framework of boards of education, democracy, participation and democratic management. The Municipal Councils of Education are included in the scenario of the Brazilian educational system as potential instruments of democratization of public policy, they should play the role for which they were created and be the link between the state and civil society in order to provide a dialogical space for the production of educational policies, and to enable greater transparency and collective decisions on municipal education. We checked with the data analysis that the CME Atibaia does not assumes this role, since it does not constitute a link, thus not contributing to the democratization of public administration of the city, on the contrary, the dynamic work of the Council and barriers reported in this study show that despite all the speech, the period in which the Green Party was in power (2001-2012), the CME acted more as legitimizing body of demands sent by SME than as an instrument of social participation, in decision making in relation to municipal education. The results also indicate that, despite the positive aspect of the quest for participation, there is still a long way to go to replace the current form of notary and bureaucratic functioning. / Mestrado / Ciencias Sociais na Educação / Mestra em Educação

In the fall of 1956 Clinton High School in Clinton, Tennessee became the first public school in the south to desegregate. This paper examines how the quiet southern town handled the difficult task of forced integration while maintaining a commitment to the preservation of law and order. As the strength of a community was being tested, ordinary citizens in extraordinary circumstances met the challenges of integration with exceptional courage.

The major purposes of this study have been (1) to define and coordinate principles and policies for religious education in Pacific elementary and secondary schools that are operated by the Pacific Board of Education of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and (2) to provide a manual of instructions for administrators and teachers which will help them attain the objectives outlined in this study. Religious education in the Pacific Schools is an integral part of the entire curriculum, receiving emphasis in religion classes. The Church Seminary system, in contrast, is supplemental to public secular education.

Schools are remarkably resilient institutions, with the core of instruction and the dynamics between teachers, students, and school leaders remaining largely unchanged despite a churn of reforms efforts. To move away from “tinkering” around the edges of the system, reach deeper into classrooms, and mitigate the effects of policy churn, teacher-driven approaches to organizing school improvement have been promoted. One such approach is teacher leadership. Teacher leadership seeks to position teachers as decision makers in their school communities, so that they might influence their fellow teachers, school leaders, and other stakeholders to improve teaching and learning practices, subsequently improving school quality and, ultimately, student achievement. While teacher leadership initiatives have been popular with school leaders, policymakers, funders, and advocacy organizations since the 1980s, researchers and evaluators have struggled to quantify the impact of teacher leadership, thus leading to questions about the viability of programs to move the proverbial needle on student achievement and other measures. This dissertation explores how the New York City Department of Education (NYCDOE) attempted to impact instruction and school quality, and institute distributed leadership practices through Teacher Career Pathways (TCP), a teacher leadership program. My investigation examined four questions: 1) Do stakeholders in schools with teacher leaders experience changes to organizational processes and relational dynamics over time?; 2) Do schools participating in TCP show greater improvement in school quality compared to schools that do not participate?; 3) Do TCP-participating schools show greater gains in student achievement scores than schools that do not participate?; and 4) Do schools implementing TCP under centralized oversight from the district observe different outcomes than schools that are entirely self-directed and implemented under decentralized control? To answer these questions, I use quantitative data collected by the NYCDOE, including TCP annual survey results, School Quality Review (SQR) ratings, and student achievement outcomes for ELA and math in grades 3 through 8. I apply descriptive and inferential statistics to examine changes in survey responses and SQR ratings, and difference-in-difference and event study approaches to analyze student achievement. I find that where school leaders staff teacher leaders into formal roles with defined responsibilities, positional authority, and commensurate salary increases, schools show improvement in the experiences of stakeholders, school quality, and student achievement. In the case of student achievement, this improvement compounds over time, with schools exhibiting increasing gains in each year following the initial introduction of teacher leaders. Schools that have qualified teacher leaders who are never staffed see no changes in any areas examined. Finally, schools that staffed teacher leaders with funding and implementation support from the district experience even more improvement than schools staffing teacher leaders but with no district oversight. These findings offer crucial insight for districts and schools, making the case for increased teacher empowerment and teacher contributions to school-level policymaking, and highlighting the influence centralized governance at the district level can have on the success of initiatives aimed at decentralizing authority within schools.

No description available.

No description available.

It has been just over twenty years since the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision was handed down by the Supreme Court. During this period, educators, and in particular, school administrators have found themselves in a unique position between two masters—the public that supports public education through taxes, and the orders of the courts they are legally required to follow. Therefore, school administrators, functioning as social engineers, have devised various practices to provide a smooth transition from segregated to desegregated school systems. This study was designed to determine the practices used by selected school districts to cope with this change and to determine the effectiveness of these practices as perceived by central-staff administrators. Selected large city school districts with enrollments of 30,000 students and above, located in the six southern states under the jurisdiction of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, were selected for this study. These districts, of which there were thirty-four, also had to be under a federal court desegregation order to be included. The survey data reveal that the most effective desegregation practice for students is the provision of alternative schools and programs to assist students unable to cope with the regular school environment. Training administrators in conflict management was perceived to be the most effective practice for administrators, followed closely by training in the shared decision-making process. For teachers, the recruitment of minorities and using teacher aides were perceived to be the most effective practices.