This thesis postulates the narrative of Venezuelan psychiatrist and novelist Francisco Herrera Luque as one that demystifies the official historical discourse of his nation. Our argument is developed through a two-part analysis. First, we present and examine the author's characteristic method, one that he called "fabled history", and the way it deals with elements of Venezuela's historical past. Secondly, we analyze the way Herrera Luque, while crafting an undoubtedly historical narrative, also analyzes many elements of the Venezuelan idiosyncrasy and identity through the illustration of colonial life in the nation, in particular within the oligarchic social class known as mantuanos, a group of people who controlled the beating of the nation's young heart from its birth until its independence. To support our idea, we have used the theories of French philosopher Roland Barthes as our main theoretical basis for the mystification-demystification argument, for it is our view that his theory about myth as a self-justifying discourse is very proximal to what we believe to be Herrera Luque's vision about the role that patriotic or official history has played in Venezuela. We have also relied on the works of Linda Hutcheon and Hayden White to bring up the relationship between literature and history, especially regarding the narrative element in historiography, an essential element in what has been called the "new historical novel", a genre that presents new narrative approaches to history. Our work also presents several elements that show how Herrera Luque's work not only seeks continuity in a usually fragmented discourse, but also takes advantage of its literary condition to present some observations and analysis about Venezuelan collective identity. His attempt to narrate Venezuelan history from its beginnings until the first quarter of the 20th century has produced not only an irreverent look at the historical record, but also an effort to make sense out of a series of events whose disconnected condition has influenced the way that Venezuelans relate to their past. Furthermore, we conclude that perhaps the strongest message of Herrera Luque's narrative is that because of this distortion of the past, Venezuela is unable to have a clear understanding of its present.

Este trabajo tiene como propósito analizar literariamente el héroe de la novela histórica de Gabriel García Márquez (1989) El general en su laberinto.  En nuestro marco teórico hemos tratado  y resumido los temas que competen a la novela histórica como género: la memoria,  el punto de vista y por supuesto sobre el héroe. Antonio Blanch nos dice sobre el  héroe moderno que sería la antítesis o la inversión de todo lo heroico. Planteamos la siguiente pregunta ¿Qué clase de héroe es el Bolívar de García Márquez?  Nuestra hipótesis es que el Bolívar de la obra es un antihéroe moderno y lo hemos tratado de comprobar tomando apartes de la obra y contrarrestándolos con nuestro marco teórico. Creemos también que el autor hace una analogía entre él y su protagonista lo que corroboramos en una entrevista con un semanario colombiano, en la cual el autor  lo confiesa.

委內瑞拉為世界第五大的石油輸出國，且同為石油輸出國家組織的創始會員國之一。石油是委內瑞拉最為重要的產業與經濟活動，而委內瑞拉因石油而富，亦因石油而貧，委內瑞拉所依賴的石油一直以來猶如兩面刃般深刻的影響委內瑞拉的政治、經濟與社會。 　　1992年政變失敗的陸軍中校查維茲打著激烈改革的口號，於1998年贏得委內瑞拉總統大選，終結支配委內瑞拉政治長達50年的「協定民主」，為委內瑞拉的歷史打開了新的一頁。對於查維茲而言，委內瑞拉的石油不但是國家主權獨立的象徵，同時亦應用於國際政治中重要的地緣政治武器。因此，查維茲上台後，便積極展開石油改革計畫，強化對國內石油產業的控制權，重整委內瑞拉國營石油公司，並利用石油收入進行社會發展計畫。此外，配合近年來國際油價的高漲，查維茲在區域與國際政治舞台上，運用委內瑞拉豐富的石油蘊藏與龐大的石油收入，進行合縱連橫，攏絡盟友並且試圖削弱美國的影響力。 　　本研究採用K. J. Holsti所提出的個人、國家、體系與全球四個分析層次作為主要分析架構，以求對於查維茲政權能源政策做出全面性的探討。此論文假設查維茲政權能源政策的發展，決策者為核心因素，藉由在個人層次上，透過決策者個人研究，以求對查維茲個人政治理念有通盤的了解，並探討如何影響委內瑞拉能源政策之發展。再者，選取在國內、體系中對委內瑞拉能源政策影響較深的因素，解釋查維茲政權在這些因素影響下，產生何種政策輸出？最後，探討近年來全球能源環境的變遷與重要的發展趨勢，作為影響查維茲政權能源政策的重要中介因素，解釋全球能源環境的變化與發展對查維茲能源政策有何影響？ / Venezuela is the fifth-largest oil exporter in the world, also, one of the funding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. In Venezuela, most industries and economic activities are dominated by Petroleum sector, a “double edged sword” which brings both positive and negative effects, and deeply influences the political, economic and social conditions in Venezuela. In 1998, the former lieutenant colonel, Hugo Chávez, who had organized an unsuccessful coup in 1992, seized the power as president in the election with the claim of “radical reformation”. The result in 1998 presidential election terminated the nearly fifty-year long “pacted democracy” and create a unprecendented prospect on Venezuela’s history. To Chávez, the oil is not only the symbol of independence of national sovereignty, but also a useful geopolitical weapon in the field of international politics. Therefore, Chávez began his oil reformation: strengthen the state control to the oil industry, reorganize the national oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, SA, PDVSA, and use the income to facilitate the social policy. Moreover, due to the reason of oil price surging in recent years, the abundant oil reserve and its’ enormous output value enable Chavez to expand his power base and also to put his intention of striking the influence of United State in both regional and international stage to practice. This study adopts K. J. Holsti’s four levels of analysis – individual, state, system and global, as the analytic framework to this research. In this study, the individual level is assumed as the core factor of the energy policy development under the Chávez regime. Chavez’s political ideas and how it influences Venezuela’s energy policy would be examined through the study of his leadership. Furthermore, taking important factors influencing energy policy in both domestic and international level into account, what policies output related to the above factors had Chavez made? Last but not the least, a discussion of global energy environment change in recent years would be made for explaining how it acts as the intermediary factors which influence the energy policy of Chávez regime.