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Latin America is in a political crisis, yet Bolivia is still widely recognized as a beacon of hope for progressive change. The radical movements at the beginning of the 21st century against neoliberalism that paved the road for the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, beckoned a change from colonial rule towards a more just society. Paradoxically, in pursuing progress through economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Morales has replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Deeply rooted tensions have also emerged between indigenous communities and the Bolivian state due to the latter's zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector. Although these paradoxes have received significant attention, one substantial aspect that remains underexplored and undertheorized is how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race and gender where indigenous women in Bolivia occupy a unique position. To address this research gap, this qualitative study poses the following research questions: 1. How does neo-extractivism affect the lives of indigenous women? 2. How does the state shape relations between neo-extractivism and indigenous women? 3. How do indigenous women organize to challenge the impact of state-led extractivism on their lives and their communities? To answer these questions, I conducted a multi-sited ethnographic study between October 2017 and June 2018 in Oruro, Bolivia, an area that is heavily affected by mining contamination. By analyzing processes of social reproduction, I argue that neo-extractivism leads to water contamination and water scarcity, becoming the epicenter of the deterioration of subsistence agriculture and the dispossession of indigenous ways of life. Because indigenous women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities depend on water, the dispossession of water has a dire effect on them, which demonstrates how capitalism relies on and exacerbates neo-colonial and patriarchal relations. To tame dissent to these contradictions, the Bolivian and self-proclaimed "indigenist state" defines and politicizes ethnicity in order to build a national identity based on indigeneity. This state-led ethnic inclusion, however, simultaneously produces class exclusions of indigenous campesinxs (peasants) who are not fully engaged in market relations. In contrast to the government's inclusive but rigidly-defined indigeneity, indigenous communities embrace a fluid and dual indigeneity: one that is connected to territories, yet also independent from them; a rooted indigeneity based on the praxis of what it means to be indigenous. Indigenous women and their communities embrace this fluid and rooted indigeneity to build alliances across gender, ethnic, and geographic lines to organize against neo-extractivism. Moreover, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, duality, and complementarity, have allowed indigenous women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within, and between, communities alive. These solidarity networks are sites of everyday resistances that represent a threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial and patriarchal mandates.

La importancia de la integración física regional aumenta en el mundo académico. Se han desarrollado investigaciones a nivel mundial sobre el impacto que implementar ese tipo de infraestructura podría tener en los ámbitos político y económico. Esto ha creado una bibliografía referente a la integración de infraestructura regional que guiará esta investigación. Dentro del caso latinoamericano destaca el Corredor Ferroviario Bioceánico de Integración (CFBI) por tratarse de un corredor bioceánico y porque su importancia, dentro de la agenda internacional, fluctuó. Es importante investigar sus causas, dada la crisis del regionalismo latinoamericano, por la influencia que los proyectos comunes pueden tener en fomentar la integración regional. Esta investigación busca explicar las razones por las cuales el grado de prioridad asignado al proyecto no se mantuvo constante. Se hipotetiza que dichos cambios se explican a partir de diversos factores: la falta de un compromiso constante de parte de Brasil, la dinámica (geo-)política de exclusión entre diversos países, y la caída del gobierno boliviano, principal impulsor del proyecto. Se concluye validando, aunque con matices, la hipótesis, por ejemplo, señalando que tanto como una dinámica de exclusión el impacto de Chile pese a ser un país externo al proyecto es central, siendo un elemento disruptivo. Se cierra resaltando el impacto que tuvo la relativa consistencia de la política exterior boliviana.

[pt] Em 7 de fevereiro de 2009, a Bolívia promulgava uma nova Constituição. A carta, fruto de um longo processo constituinte, com aproximadamente quatro anos de duração, refundou o país a partir de uma concepção plurinacional, com respeito aos povos originários, aos trabalhadores, à natureza, à solidariedade e às filosofias ancestrais. Nela, estabeleceu-se o direito à autodeterminação dos povos indígenas originários, a ser materializada, dentre outros meios, pela autonomia indígena originário campesina. Entretanto, a união em torno do objetivo comum da descolonização do país não foi suficiente para erradicar as contradições da Bolívia, fruto da manutenção de estruturas do colonialismo nas relações sociais e entre sociedades, razão pela qual a concretização dos direitos reconhecidos constitucionalmente tem se operado a passos lentos e enfrentado desafios oriundos tanto de setores governistas quanto da oposição. Por essa razão, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar se, e de que forma, a autonomia indígena originário campesina vem sendo implementada na Bolívia, mais de uma década após a promulgação do texto constitucional, por meio do estudo de caso do processo de aquisição de autonomia da nação originária Uru Chipaya, identificando eventuais entraves e dificuldades à materialização do direito à autodeterminação e do Estado Plurinacional. / [en] On February 7, 2009, Bolivia promulgated a new Constitution. The text, the result of a long constituent process, lasting approximately four years, re-founded the country from a plurinational concept, with respect to native peoples, workers, nature, solidarity and ancestral philosophies. In it, the right to self-determination of originay indigenous peoples was established, to be materialized, among other means, by indigenous originary peasant autonomy. However, the union around the common objective of the decolonization of the country was not enough to eradicate the contradictions of Bolivia, fruit of the maintenance of structures of colonialism in the social relations and between societies, reason why the realization of the constitutionally recognized rights has operated in slow steps and faced challenges from both government and opposition sectors. For this reason, the present work aims to analyze if, and in what way, the indigenous originary peasant autonomy has been implemented in Bolivia, more than a decade after the promulgation of the constitutional text, through the case study of originaru nation Uru Chipaya s acquisition process of indigenous originary peasant autonomy, identifying possible obstacles and difficulties to the materialization of the right to self-determination and the Plurinational State. / [es] En el 7 de febrero de 2009, Bolivia promulgó una nueva Constitución. La carta, fruto de un largo proceso constituyente, de aproximadamente cuatro años, refundó el país desde un concepto multinacional, con respeto a los pueblos originarios, los trabajadores, la naturaleza, la solidaridad y las filosofías ancestrales. En él, se establece el derecho a la autodeterminación de los pueblos indígena originario, que se materializará, entre otros medios, en la autonomía indígena originario campesina. Sin embargo, la unidad en torno al objetivo común de descolonización del país no fue suficiente para erradicar las contradicciones en Bolivia, resultado del mantenimiento de las estructuras del colonialismo en las relaciones sociales y entre las sociedades, ya que se pretendía la realización de dos derechos constitucionalmente reconocidos. operó a pasos lentos y enfrentó desafíos tanto del gobierno como de los sectores de oposición. Por eso, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar si, y de qué manera, se implementó la autonomía indígena originario campesina en Bolivia, a más de una década de la promulgación del texto constitucional, a través del estudio de caso del proceso de adquisición de la autonomía de la nación originaria Uru Chipaya, identificando posibles obstáculos y dificultades en la realización del derecho a la libre determinación y al Estado Plurinacional.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-19T12:02:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Helena Salim de Castro.pdf: 1733692 bytes, checksum: 9a74fae680250608c8989a841f25b962 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-19T12:02:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Helena Salim de Castro.pdf: 1733692 bytes, checksum: 9a74fae680250608c8989a841f25b962 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / International drug trafficking is one of the main security threats to the countries of South America, especially Brazil and Bolivia. The Andean country is the third largest cocaine producer in the world and the Brazilian territory is one of the main transit routes for drugs sent to Europe, as well as being considered the main consumer market for Bolivian cocaine.In the literature there are still few studies that deal with the relationship between the two countries concerningthis issue.So, the main objective of this research was to analyze the type of cooperation developed between Brazil and Bolivia for policing the fight against drug trafficking.Our period of analysis has been since November 2008, when, after decades of US influence and interference in Bolivia's anti-drug policies, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was expelled from Bolivian territory, which led to an approximation between the Brazilian and Bolivian governments, until the end of January 2012, when a trilateral agreement was signed between Bolivia, Brazil and the United States. This agreementmarked the return of the partnership between the Andean country and the superpower, as it relates to combating drug trafficking.We work in the research with the concept of cooperation for policing, becausewe observe the operations carried out not only by the police agencies, but also those developed among the Armed Forces.We analyzedsome issues in the policingprocess, such as the expansion of actors involved in drug control and repression activities, their autonomy in the development of cooperation and the asymmetry of power between the bilateral relationship, which have helped our central objective. We concludedthat, unlike Bolivia-US cooperation, Brazil and Bolivia established, over the years 2008-2012, a bilateral cooperation for policing, with respect for territorial sovereignty and respect of each country's anti-drug policies / O tráfico internacional de drogas é uma das principais ameaças de segurança para os países da América do Sul, em especial o Brasil e a Bolívia. O país andino é o terceiro maior produtor mundial de cocaína e o território brasileiro se constitui como uma das principais rotas de trânsito para asdrogasenviadasà Europa, bem como, é considerado oprincipal mercado consumidor para a cocaína boliviana. Na literatura ainda são poucos os trabalhos que abordam a relação entre os dois países no que concerne essa temática. Assim, oobjetivo central desta pesquisa foi analisar o tipo de cooperação desenvolvida entre o Brasil e a Bolíviapara o policiamento do combate ao tráfico de drogas. Nosso período de análise foi desde novembro de 2008, quando, após décadas de influência e ingerência norte-americana nas políticas antidrogas da Bolívia, aDrug Enforcement Admnistration(DEA) foi expulsa do território boliviano, o que gerou uma aproximação entre os governos brasileiro e boliviano, até o final de janeiro de 2012, quando foi estabelecido um acordo trilateral entre Bolívia, Brasil e Estados Unidos.Acordo quemarcou o retorno da parceria entre o país andino e a superpotência, no que se refere o combate ao tráfico de drogas. Trabalhamos na pesquisa com o conceito de cooperação para o policiamento, pois observamos as operações realizadas não são somente pelas agências policiais, mas, inclusive, aquelas desenvolvidas entre as Forças Armadas. Analisamos algumas questões presentes no processo depoliciamento, como a expansão dos atores envolvidos nas atividades de fiscalização e repressão ao tráfico de drogas, a autonomia dos mesmos no desenvolvimento da cooperaçãoe a assimetria de poder entre a relação bilateral, os quais auxiliaram no nosso objetivo central. Constatamos que, diferentemente da cooperação entre Bolívia e Estados-Unidos, o Brasil e a Bolívia estabeleceram, ao longo dos anos de 2008 a 2012, uma cooperação para o policiamento do tipo bilateral, em que houve o respeito à soberania territorial e às políticas antidrogas de cada país

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CSO - Ramon Casas Vilarino.pdf: 1256017 bytes, checksum: ed435e55717153839e5fe7c8ac96e610 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In 1958, Brazil and Bolivia signed the Robore Agreements, with the purpose of exploiting oil and gas in Bolivian territory. As the Bolivian government required the participation of Brazilian companies only, a discussion was brought about on who was to extract the Bolivian oil: Petrobras, which hold the monopoly in Brazil, private Brazilian companies not allowed to exploit in Brazilian territory - or these last companies associated with foreign capital, acting as spearhead of transnational corporations, especially those in United States. At the moment president Juscelino Kubitschek creates the OPA (Operation Pan-American), civil bureaucrats and militaries, professional politicians, and the unions disagree on the question, proposing alternative solutions to the government policy. Meanwhile in Bolivia, social forces have the negotiations under their spot, being many those who would notice traits of an imperialist politics in Brazil s relation to the Andean country. The Robore Agreements were updates of the Treaty of 1938, signed between Brazil and Bolivia at a time when Petrobras still didn t exist in Brazil while in Bolivia, as a consequence of the defeat in Chaco War, the concessions of Standard Oil Co. had been taken away, and the state company YPFB had been created. At that time, an approach with Brazil seemed necessary and desirable to Bolivia as a way to stop other neighbors to encroach the already threatened Bolivian sovereignty, once Bolivian territory had been made smaller as a result of the voracity of border countries, in a succession of conflicts which had been taking place since the XIXth century. Before tackling the Brazil-Bolivia relations, a study has been conducted on the antecedents of the expansionist and imperialist politics in South America, whose landmark can be identified with the so-called Paraguay War. It s worth mentioning that during Paraguay War Bolivia and Brazil signed their first treaty of borders, at a moment when Brazilian diplomacy tried to consolidate the hegemony of the country in the region / Em 1958, Brasil e Bolívia assinaram os Acordos de Roboré, visando à exploração de petróleo e gás em território boliviano. Como o governo boliviano exigiu somente a participação de empresas brasileiras, estabeleceu-se uma discussão acerca de quem deveria extrair petróleo no país vizinho: a Petrobrás, que detinha o monopólio no Brasil, empresas privadas brasileiras, proibidas de explorá-lo em território brasileiro, ou estas últimas, associadas ao capital estrangeiro, servindo como ponta-de-lança de transnacionais, sobretudo estadunidenses. No momento em que o presidente Juscelino Kubitschek lança a OPA (Operação Pan-Americana), burocratas civis e militares, políticos profissionais, clubes e entidades sindicais dividem-se sobre a questão, apontando caminhos possíveis para a política de governo. Por outro lado, na Bolívia, diversas forças sociais estavam atentas às negociações, não faltando quem percebesse o Brasil como portador de uma política imperialista em relação ao país andino. Os Acordos de Roboré foram atualizações do Tratado de 1938, assinado pelos dois países quando, no Brasil, não havia a Petrobrás, e, na Bolívia, como reação à derrota na Guerra do Chaco, as concessões da Standard Oil Co. foram retiradas e se criou a empresa estatal YPFB. Para o governo da Bolívia, a aproximação com o Brasil era necessária com vistas a evitar que outros vizinhos usurpassem ainda mais a soberania boliviana, cujo território foi diminuindo pela voracidade dos países fronteiriços, numa série de conflitos ocorridos desde o século XIX. Antes de abordar diretamente as relações entre Brasil e Bolívia, se fez uma incursão pelos antecedentes das políticas expansionista e imperialista na América do Sul, cujo marco pode ser identificado com o que se convencionou chamar de Guerra do Paraguai. Em meio a esta guerra, inclusive, Bolívia e Brasil assinaram seu primeiro tratado de fronteiras, num momento em que a diplomacia brasileira tentava consolidar a hegemonia do país na região

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CSO - Ramon Casas Vilarino.pdf: 1256017 bytes, checksum: ed435e55717153839e5fe7c8ac96e610 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In 1958, Brazil and Bolivia signed the Robore Agreements, with the purpose of exploiting oil and gas in Bolivian territory. As the Bolivian government required the participation of Brazilian companies only, a discussion was brought about on who was to extract the Bolivian oil: Petrobras, which hold the monopoly in Brazil, private Brazilian companies not allowed to exploit in Brazilian territory - or these last companies associated with foreign capital, acting as spearhead of transnational corporations, especially those in United States. At the moment president Juscelino Kubitschek creates the OPA (Operation Pan-American), civil bureaucrats and militaries, professional politicians, and the unions disagree on the question, proposing alternative solutions to the government policy. Meanwhile in Bolivia, social forces have the negotiations under their spot, being many those who would notice traits of an imperialist politics in Brazil s relation to the Andean country. The Robore Agreements were updates of the Treaty of 1938, signed between Brazil and Bolivia at a time when Petrobras still didn t exist in Brazil while in Bolivia, as a consequence of the defeat in Chaco War, the concessions of Standard Oil Co. had been taken away, and the state company YPFB had been created. At that time, an approach with Brazil seemed necessary and desirable to Bolivia as a way to stop other neighbors to encroach the already threatened Bolivian sovereignty, once Bolivian territory had been made smaller as a result of the voracity of border countries, in a succession of conflicts which had been taking place since the XIXth century. Before tackling the Brazil-Bolivia relations, a study has been conducted on the antecedents of the expansionist and imperialist politics in South America, whose landmark can be identified with the so-called Paraguay War. It s worth mentioning that during Paraguay War Bolivia and Brazil signed their first treaty of borders, at a moment when Brazilian diplomacy tried to consolidate the hegemony of the country in the region / Em 1958, Brasil e Bolívia assinaram os Acordos de Roboré, visando à exploração de petróleo e gás em território boliviano. Como o governo boliviano exigiu somente a participação de empresas brasileiras, estabeleceu-se uma discussão acerca de quem deveria extrair petróleo no país vizinho: a Petrobrás, que detinha o monopólio no Brasil, empresas privadas brasileiras, proibidas de explorá-lo em território brasileiro, ou estas últimas, associadas ao capital estrangeiro, servindo como ponta-de-lança de transnacionais, sobretudo estadunidenses. No momento em que o presidente Juscelino Kubitschek lança a OPA (Operação Pan-Americana), burocratas civis e militares, políticos profissionais, clubes e entidades sindicais dividem-se sobre a questão, apontando caminhos possíveis para a política de governo. Por outro lado, na Bolívia, diversas forças sociais estavam atentas às negociações, não faltando quem percebesse o Brasil como portador de uma política imperialista em relação ao país andino. Os Acordos de Roboré foram atualizações do Tratado de 1938, assinado pelos dois países quando, no Brasil, não havia a Petrobrás, e, na Bolívia, como reação à derrota na Guerra do Chaco, as concessões da Standard Oil Co. foram retiradas e se criou a empresa estatal YPFB. Para o governo da Bolívia, a aproximação com o Brasil era necessária com vistas a evitar que outros vizinhos usurpassem ainda mais a soberania boliviana, cujo território foi diminuindo pela voracidade dos países fronteiriços, numa série de conflitos ocorridos desde o século XIX. Antes de abordar diretamente as relações entre Brasil e Bolívia, se fez uma incursão pelos antecedentes das políticas expansionista e imperialista na América do Sul, cujo marco pode ser identificado com o que se convencionou chamar de Guerra do Paraguai. Em meio a esta guerra, inclusive, Bolívia e Brasil assinaram seu primeiro tratado de fronteiras, num momento em que a diplomacia brasileira tentava consolidar a hegemonia do país na região

Lack of sufficient water for irrigation is a major problem in and around the valleys surrounding the town of Aiquile, Cochabamba Bolivia. In addition, much of the region is undergoing desertification compounded by drought, deforestation, bad traditional agricultural practices, over grazing and a "torrential" rainfall pattern leading to severe soil erosion and low agricultural production. Between 1992 and 1994, the author constructed a network of 24 small, mostly rainfed farm ponds to increase agricultural production and alleviate soil erosion and land-use problems by improving cover conditions. A 5-year post-impoundment analysis was carried out in 1998. The analysis examined current pond conditions, design criteria, irrigation water / crop production increases and the alleviation of land-use problems. Current pond conditions fell into four distinct categories with only 25 percent of the ponds being deemed as "functioning well." The project increased irrigation in the region and improved cover conditions in 66 percent of the pond sites.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 430-465). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 493-512).