Burke scholars oftentimes overlook Burke's fundamental role as educator and how his work can and should be applied to the classroom. This paper explores Burke's theoretical works and centers on two concepts important to developing rhetorical skills necessary for functioning and participating in a democratic society: his theory of aesthetic form and his distinction between motion and action. Specifically, this paper (1) clarifies these concepts and explains how they relate to each other and the emotional experience of literature, and (2) demonstrates how these concepts work together to imply a new method of practicing rhetorical criticism in the literature classroom necessary to meet Burke's goals of education: to help students become critically aware of the symbolic influences working upon them and to make critical judgments about them. To do that, I explain Burke's theory of form outlined in Counter-Statement, as clarified in additional texts, and how this form engages readers in a sequential and dialogical process, which creates in readers a specific emotional experience. I discuss how this experience subjects those who encounter form to what I describe in Burke's terms as a "motional" and consequently passive experience. I then discuss how practicing a method of reflection during and after the experience of form can help subject this experience to critique, into what Burke defined as the realm of "action"—conscious, deliberative choice.

At the end of Permanence and Change, Kenneth Burke calls for a new orientation toward life and social action which he refers to as “the poetic metaphor” (261). This essay connects Burke's briefly used poetic metaphor with his theories on the use of “poetic” language in the essay “Semantic and Poetic Meaning.” What results from this synthesis is a critical tool for rhetorical analysis which allows for the discussion of style as a vehicle for communication about ethics and morals in public discourse. Obama's The Audacity of Hope is used as the example of a text which uses “poetic” language in order to discuss moral and ethical issues in a national arena. Obama ultimately dramatizes his own synthesis of values, putting himself in the position of a trusted intermediary. This analysis provides clarity on Burke's thinking at the end of Permanence and Change and helps us understand his contribution to the study of rhetoric and cooperation.

The work of Kenneth Burke provides a method of rhetorical analysis that is useful in terms of bringing features of texts to the surface that are not readily apparent, such as how they produce identification in their audiences, and in revealing rhetorical factors related to but outside the text, for example the authors' motives. Burke's work is wide-ranging and open to many interpretations, so it can be difficult to apply. This study condenses some of his more important concepts into a simplified method which has several practical applications; it focuses on how Burke's theories can be applied to analyzing environmental texts, and helps reveal how those texts are rhetorically effective. This method is also shown to be useful for rhetoricians and other students of language in analyzing the motives and meanings behind complicated texts. An example analysis is developed in detail to demonstrate the utility of this approach for analyzing environmental rhetoric and help clarify how to apply it to other texts. A publication by the Center for Ecoliteracy (CEL), a nonprofit organization engaged in environmental education, provides the basis for a concrete example of applying this method to a current work of environmental rhetoric. The CEL serves as an example of current environmental organizations and their rhetoric, and a Burkean analysis of its publications begins by revealing some of the principles operating in the texts that make them rhetorically effective. This analysis also goes beyond basic dialectics to question how the texts function as "symbolic action" and how they fit into Burke's hierarchic system of language. The method developed in this study not only determines how the text produces identification in an audience, but also the motives behind producing the text. The CEL's publications are good representative examples of current environmental writing, so the conclusions drawn from an analysis of the CEL's texts can be applied to other environmental rhetoric.

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Le « père de l'histoire whig » Thomas Babington Macaulay a été dès son vivant, et après sa mort, traduit dans nombre de pays, en Europe (Allemagne, France, Pays-Bas), comme hors des frontières européennes (Mexique). Incarnant à partir de la fin du XIXe siècle une histoire libérale progressiste et surtout non scientifique, attaquée par les historiens « professionnels », il n'en demeure pas moins très présent dans les manuels scolaires et universitaires jusqu'après la Seconde Guerre mondiale voire jusque dans les discours politiques contemporains. En 1931, puis en 1944, Herbert Butterfield tente de définir son interprétation de l'histoire. Ce dernier veut démontrer comment action politique et vision de l'histoire whigs incarnent un modèle, pragmatique, réformiste, à l'antithèse du modèle révolutionnaire français, qui explique l'exceptionnelle stabilité politique anglaise, britannique voire impériale du Royaume-Uni, depuis la Glorieuse Révolution. Dès lors les successeurs de Butterfield, en premier lieu J. G. A. Pocock et John Burrow, éclairent cette tradition libérale whig, devenue nationale, bientôt synonyme d'interprétation burkéenne de l'histoire. Pourtant, en s'appuyant sur le dialogue entre libéraux britanniques (whigs comme Millar, Mackintosh, utilitaristes comme les Mill, père et fils) et libéraux français (comme Constant, Guizot et Tocqueville), illustrant par ailleurs les riches échanges entre Royaume-Uni et France au XIXe siècle – avant que l’oeuvre de Macaulay ne soit que très épisodiquement traduite et commentée au XXe siècle en France –, et sur une étude minutieuse des écrits de Macaulay portant sur la Révolution française, cette thèse entend démontrer qu'au - delà de la division politique du parti whig lors de la période révolutionnaire, l'histoire whig de Macaulay incarne une pensée politique, une interprétation des révolutions anglaises et françaises et une philosophie libérale de l'histoire nouvelles rompant avec Hume et avec Burke. En mettant au coeur de l'histoire l'émancipation politique et religieuse des individus, Macaulay défend la démocratisation et la laïcisation des sociétés et illustre une histoire libérale post-Révolutionnaire, un nouveau paradigme whig, qui ne peuvent être qualifiés de conservateurs ni de contre-Révolutionnaires. / The "father of Whig History", Thomas Babington Macaulay, was, during his lifetime and after his death,translated in numerous European countries ( Germany, France, The Netherlands ) as well as outside Europe(Mexico). Embodying, from the end of the nineteenth century, a liberal, progressive and especially nonscientifichistory, denounced by "professional " historians, he remained no less highly present in school anduniversity textbooks up to the Second World War, and even in contemporary and current political speeches.In 1931, and then in 1944, Herbert Butterfield attempted to define his interprétation of history and sought todemonstrate how political action and historical vision embody a pragmatic and reformist model, theantithesis of the French revolutionary model, which explains the exceptional English, British, even imperial,political stability of Great Britain since the Glorious Revolution. Since then, Butterfield's successors, andfirst among them, J. G. A. Pocock and John Burrow, have been shedding light on this liberal, becomenational, whig tradition, soon to be synonymous with the Burkean interpretation of history. However, basedon the dialogue between British liberals ( Whigs such as Millar and Mackintosh, Utilitarians such as theMills, father and son ), and French liberals ( such as Constant, Guizot and Tocqueville), while illustrating inother respects the fruitful exchange between Great Britain and France during the nineteenth century - beforeMacaulay's work was only very episodically translated and commented on in the twentieth century in France- and on a thorough exploration of Macaulay's work on the French Revolution, this study intends todemonstate that beyond the political division of the Whig party during the revolutionary period, Macaulay'sWhig history sanctions a new line of political thought, a new interprétation of the English and FrenchRévolutions and liberal philosophy of history, breaking with Hume and Burke. By placing the political andreligious emancipation of individuals at the heart of history, Macaulay defended the democratization and thesecularization of society and illustrated a post-Revolutionary liberal history, a new Whig paradigm, thatcannot be called conservative nor counter- revolutionary.

This thesis takes as its broad area of study the solo instrumental music produced since 1960 by the virtuoso performer-composer, and focuses on the works of Australian clarinettist and composer Brigid Burke. The 1960's in music was a decade like no other; the effects of serialism and indeterminacy, the rise of electronic music, and the general climate of experimentation resulted in an explosion of new musical ideas and compositional approaches. One development of this period was the growth of a musician type new to the twentieth century: the virtuoso performer-composer. Brigid Burke (1960- ) is a clarinet soloist, visual artist and a composer of over one hundred works. The majority of Burke's compositional output comprises works for clarinet. In writing almost exclusively for the clarinet, the instrument of which she is a national and international performer, Burke can be viewed as continuing the virtuoso performer-composer trend emanating from the 1960's. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the extent to which Burke's clarinet works represent a unique voice in the international and Australian contemporary clarinet repertoire. Four of Burke's works were chosen for study: Three Sounds on Buildings 2 (2005),

The purpose of this essay is to understand the rhetoric presented by Henry V in Shakespeare’s St. Crispin’s day speech. More specifically, it examines the speech from a "dramatistic" point of view, i.e. the way Henry V is labeling agent, scene, act, agency and purpose in the narrative that his rhetoric constitutes. These labels are in themselves strategic spots, allowing the rhetorician to stage a reality that seeks to promote certain ways of thinking, feeling and acting that are beneficial to him. By examining these labels closely, we gain knowledge of their workings and – perhaps more importantly – their interchangeability. The analysis is based on Kenneth Burke’s dramatistic pentad and his ideas on how dialectical transformation can deepen our understanding of certain representations of reality. The methodology used is mostly that of Kenneth Burke when dealing with the elements of the pentad and its transformations, found in his work A grammar of motives. But it is also inspired by Hahn & Morlando’s (1979) Burkean analysis of Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address. The main conclusion is that Henry V overcomes his rhetorical obstacles (his men’s lack of motivation and questioning of the war) by reducing his narrative to the purpose. This purpose (and key term) is "honor", treated by Henry V as a term primarily rooted in the act, which is beneficial to his cause, since it allows men of all ranks to view themselves capable of gaining honor by performing the act of fighting. Furthermore, his focus on honor (and its dreaded counterpart – mediocrity and unmanliness) has the added side effect of drawing attention from some of his men’s critique of the war.

Ce travail examine le problème de l'intervention d'un État ou d'un peuple dans les affaires d'un autre tel qu'il fut formulé dans le libéralisme naissant et à partir de la conjoncture ouverte par la Révolution française de 1789. Après un détour par les auteurs du droit des gens, il examine les écrits de Burke et de Godwin afin de donner à voir la nature polémique et les origines révolutionnaires du concept d'intervention. Puis, prenant comme fil directeur l'œuvre de John Stuart Mill, qui s'est penché de manière récurrente sur ce problème, en lui apportant des réponses diverses et contradictoires, il s'efforce d'en montrer l'équivocité. Loin de pouvoir se ramener à un simple chapitre de la théorie de la guerre ou du droit international, la question de l'intervention militaire fut au contraire réfléchie en relation avec l'économie, la politique ou encore la morale - les penseurs libéraux, tels que John Stuart Mill, Benjamin Constant, ou encore Richard Cobden, s'efforçant, dans chacun de ces champs et en faisant circuler les concepts, les maximes et les raisons, d'élaborer un ou des principes de non-intervention. Il propose enfin une nouvelle traduction et une lecture des « Quelques mots sur la non-intervention » de John Stuart Mill, en exhumant la nature dialectique de cet article de 1859. / This study examines the issue of intervention from a State or a people within the affairs of another as formulated in the nascent Liberalism and from the situation brought about by the French Revolution of 1789. After considering the authors of the law of nations, the study examines the writings of Burke and Godwin in order to highlight the controversial nature and revolutionary origins of the concept of intervention. Then, following the work of John Stuart Mill as a guiding theme, a philosopher who has provided diverse and contradictory answers in his recurrent study of this issue, an attempt is made to demonstrate the equivocal nature of intervention. Far from being a simple matter of war theory or international law, the issue of military intervention has on the contrary been considered in relation to economies, politics, and even morals - liberal thinkers, such as John Stuart Mill, Benjamin Constant, and Richard Cobden, having endeavored, in each of these fields and by spreading concepts, maxims and reasons, to elaborate one or several principles of non-intervention. Lastly, a new translation and an interpretation of "A Few Words on Non-Intervention" by John Stuart Mill are proposed by highlighting the dialectical nature of this 1859 article.

The thesis focuses on the conservative canon and analyses the validity of exceptionalist claims of conservative thinking through a deconstructive reading of conservatism. The comparison of classical and radical conservatisms provides the grounds for this analysis. After the introductory chapter, the second chapter of this thesis focuses on the general characteristics of the conservative ideology. It consists of three sub-sections. The first of these presents the characteristics of classical conservatism, while the second turns to consider radical conservatism. Then, in the third sub-section, a discussion of the similarities and differences between these two conservatisms leads to a proposed definition of a core of the conservative canon. Here, it is argued that the epistemological and ontological imperfection of individuals can be regarded as the definitive core, or as the precept which the justification of conservative policies relies upon. The third chapter then focuses on the views of a number of significant figures in the development of political thought on ideology, which is used by these thinkers as a critical tool. A narrative of the historical developments in the analyses of ideology and ideologies is presented in this chapter. In the last part of the chapter, Derridian thinking is introduced. The fourth chapter problematises conservative exceptionalism, or the belief that there is a fundamental difference between conservatism and other ideologies. This chapter is founded upon the analyses of the previous two chapters, using the Derridian reading and referring to the characteristics and commonalities of the conservative canon presented. In this chapter, radicalism is argued to be a persistent theme in conservative thinking, and conservatism is claimed to be founded upon its impossibility.