El presente trabajo trata sobre la posibilidad de aplicación de los agregados calcáreos de la provincia de Córdoba para hormigón elaborado con cemento blanco. Se analiza la factibilidad técnica y económica de los yacimientos y canteras de las calizas del Cordón Oriental, Cordón Central y Distrito Occidental de las Sierras de Córdoba. Mediante los ensayos de caracterización realizados de acuerdo a las normas IRAM se analizan las propiedades de los agregados calcáreos blancos de las principales canteras. Finalmente se selecciona el material de una de las plantas de agregados para realizar las dosificaciones con cemento portland blanco y verificar las propiedades del hormigón resultante. Se comprueba que los agregados calcáreos de la provincia de Córdoba por su color, composición petrográfica y propiedades físicas son aptos para su utilización en el hormigón elaborado con cemento blanco. / This paper addresses the possibility of using limestone aggregates from Córdoba province, Argentina, in white concrete. The technical and economic feasibility of limestone deposits and quarries from the eastern, central and western ridge of Córdobas mountains is analyzed. Through characterization tests in accordance with IRAM standards, the properties of white limestone aggregates from the main quarries are analyzed. Furthermore, the material from one of the aggregate plants is selected to be added to white portland cement and check the properties of the resulting concrete. It is demonstrated that owing to their color, petrographic composition and physical properties, limestone aggregates from Córdoba province are suitable to be used in concrete made with white portland cement.

Conflictsthattookplacealmostthree centuriesapart – respectivelyinlatemedievalSpainandnineteenth-century South Africa – are described in some detail. The Spanish example offers insight into the effect of the conflictduringtheQonquista,followedbyaperiodofArabruleintheIberianpeninsula,which was terminated by the Reconquista of southern Spain by the Christians. The focus in this regard is the violence and counter violence manifested in the formative stages of the Great Mosque at Córdoba and its transformation into the church of Santa Maria. The behaviour of the Muslims and Christians at the sacred site at Córdoba during the conquest and the reconquest, through many centuries, became a theatre in which conflictingreligiousemotionswerearousedandeventuallyresultedinthepartialdestruction of a magnificentMuslimedifice.WhathappenedatCórdobaisanobjectlessontoallmulticultural societies in which the dominant group avenges itself upon the cultural artefacts of a subjected group. This is a common occurrence in the history of architecture, and fitsthebasicpremiseofRenéGirard’s theory of “mimetic desire” that states that one group desires what another desires. As the envy becomes more intense, “mimetic rivalry” with a model results: admiration is transformed into violent conflictthatisonlydiffusedifascapegoatisfound.InamodificationofGirard’sthesisitispostulatedthat in the end the model – taken to be a building or monument – is most often demolished or vandalised as if serving as the scapegoat for the aggressor’s animosity. In more benign cases desire results in the appropriation of the model, but with modificationstoitsidentity. Alternatively,anew model,coexisting with the original, is created by the vanquished to rival the existing model, as happened at the site of Blood River, Natal. In colonial South Africa a monument was erected in 1947 and a more elaborate version of a combat “laager” inaugurated in 1977 to commemorate the battle which took place there on 16 December 1838 between the Voortrekkers and the Zulus, in which the former were victorious. In response, the Zulus established the Ncome Monument and Museum to the east of the Voortrekkers’ monument, officiallyopenedinNovember1999,whichoffersareinterpretationofthe1838battle,celebrates Zulu culture in general and calls for the development of empathy across the cultural and ethnic divide of the former combatants. Ironically, the layout suggests the historical Zulu combat formation.

A partir de una investigación conducida en la localidad de Embalse, en la provincia de Córdoba, analizamos en este artículo la construcción social del riesgo en la vida cotidiana de ciudadanos y familiares de trabajadores de la central nuclear. Las supuestas amenazas representadas por la central constituyen un ápice de la dimensión trágica atribuida histórica y culturalmente a la actividad nuclear. Si bien desde el accidente de Fukushima en Japón el temor a los accidentes y la aprehensión como una rutina practicada en la central comenzaron a tomar más fuerza que tiempo atrás, lo cierto es que estos posibles riesgos fueron contrapuestos también con la necesidad de mantener los puestos de trabajo y con la necesidad de comenzar a generar energías limpias y, de esa forma, intentar disminuir el impacto ambiental. Frente a estas cuestiones, que movilizan a distintos actores sociales con intereses diversos, buscamos recuperar las percepciones y el imaginario social de los habitantes de esta localidad frente a la empresa Nucleoeléctrica Argentina. Abordaremos para ello las contradicciones que se viven en la cotidianeidad en una ciudad afectada por la posibilidad de generar energía limpia y mantener puestos de trabajo y, por otro lado, por el peso de la connotación negativa que histórica y culturalmente tiene la energía nuclear por los peligros que significa para el ambiente y la salud de los seres humanos. / A partir de una investigación conducida en la localidad de Embalse, en la provincia de Córdoba, analizamos en este artículo la construcción social del riesgo en la vida cotidiana de ciudadanos y familiares de trabajadores de la central nuclear. Las supuestas amenazas representadas por la central constituyen un ápice de la dimensión trágica atribuida histórica y culturalmente a la actividad nuclear. Si bien desde el accidente de Fukushima en Japón el temor a los accidentes y la aprehensión como una rutina practicada en la central comenzaron a tomar más fuerza que tiempo atrás, lo cierto es que estos posibles riesgos fueron contrapuestos también con la necesidad de mantener los puestos de trabajo y con la necesidad de comenzar a generar energías limpias y, de esa forma, intentar disminuir el impacto ambiental.Frente a estas cuestiones, que movilizan a distintos actores sociales con intereses diversos, buscamos recuperar las percepciones y el imaginario social de los habitantes de esta localidad frente a la empresa Nucleoeléctrica Argentina. Abordaremos para ello las contradicciones que se viven en la cotidianeidad en una ciudad afectada por la posibilidad de generar energía limpia y mantener puestos de trabajo y, por otro lado, por el peso de la connotación negativa que histórica y culturalmente tiene la energía nuclear por los peligros que significa para el ambiente y la salud de los seres humanos.

El Marañón, de Diego de Aguilar y de Córdoba ―uno de los poetas alabados por Miguel de Cervantes en La Galatea― cuenta con dos manuscritos. El manuscrito de Oviedo, que ya ha sido editado completamente hasta en tres ocasiones por notables historiadores (la edición más relevante, desde el punto de vista académico, es la de don Guillermo Lohmann Villena1) y el otro manuscrito, el del Museo Británico de Londres, que solo cuenta ―hasta la fecha― con ediciones de pequeños fragmentos; por ello, nos proponemos en la presente tesis realizar la edición íntegra, de este último manuscrito, confrontándola con la referida edición del manuscrito de Oviedo, ya hecha por Lohmann Villena.

La situation agraire argentine actuelle est fortement influencée par la globalisation économique et l'augmentation de la population mondiale. Cette augmentation liée à la diminution des terres fertiles de grands pays comme la Chine, l'Inde et l'Arabie Saoudite impose une pression importante sur le prix des terres agricoles sur l'ensemble de la planète. Dès lors, on assiste à l'accaparement des terres de nombreux pays d'Afrique et d'Amérique du Sud. En Argentine cette situation se matérialise par l'expansion de la culture du soja transgénique; céréale dont le prix sur les marchés a littéralement explosé dans la dernière décennie. Le soja génétiquement modifié est ainsi devenu l'or vert argentin. On parle maintenant de sojisation du pays. Ce phénomène a provoqué, en Argentine, l'expansion de la frontière agraire dans des zones où l'agriculture était autrefois quasi inexistante étant donné la faible rentabilité obtenue. Cette expansion agraire a mis au jour une population paysanne enclavée et exclue, vivant sur des terres communautaires peu fertiles. Les terres que les paysans occupent depuis plusieurs générations, souvent sans droit de propriété formel, sont devenues financièrement intéressantes pour les grands propriétaires terriens et les investisseurs. Ainsi, ils sont chassés parfois par la force afin de convertir les terres en champs de soja. Cette situation a favorisé l'apparition de nouvelles formes de mobilisation sociale au sein de ces zones socioéconomiquement marginalisées. Au centre de l'Argentine, dans la province de Córdoba, les paysans ont formé le Movimiento campesino de Córdoba. Ainsi, en une dizaine d'années, les acteurs locaux aidés par des leaders venant d'autres régions de la province ont tissé un impressionnant réseau d'organisations locales luttant pour le droit à la terre en réaction à l'ingérence de l'agro-industrie. Cette lutte s'inscrit dans un contexte social, environnemental et territorial particulier à travers lequel l'action collective rurale témoigne des transformations socioéconomiques de l'agriculture argentine. Ce mémoire vise à mettre en lumière le mouvement social paysan à travers les actions collectives et les transformations sociales qu'il génère. Notre analyse basée sur le modèle du développement par l'initiative locale tente de comprendre les effets de la situation territoriale sur la structuration sociale des paysans, leur autodétermination assurant le développement local et l'attachement territorial. En définitive, ce mémoire montre que la mobilisation sociale paysanne observée dans notre zone d'étude ouvre la voie à la pérennité des acteurs locaux en favorisant une gouvernance territoriale renouvelée et un aménagement rural davantage à l'écoute des besoins de la paysannerie. Toutefois, cela demeure très fragile si l'on considère les difficultés environnementales, sociales et politiques de la région. La résilience des acteurs paysans dans leur volonté de maintenir leur mode de vie, de dé-marginalisation et de développement local nous amène à considérer la viabilité des initiatives qu'ils mettent sur pied. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : paysans, mouvements sociaux, actions collectives rurales, Argentine, initiatives locales, agro-industrie.

Participatory budgeting (PB) is a governing mechanism whereby citizens decide how to allocate part of a local budget. It promises greater accountability, efficiency, and citizen participation in the budgetary process with minimal cost and effort. The process is in place in hundreds of cities in Latin America, but what is unclear in the scholarship is what factors and pre-conditions determine its success. This case study of Córdoba, Argentina is useful for analyzing whether a consideration of pre-conditions is useful in predicting success. This study isolates the primary influential factors to determine why only 10% of projects have been completed and participation rates are declining by: examining the structure, funding, history, and political and social context of participatory budgeting; comparing Córdoba to other similar countries that have adopted participatory budgeting; conducting key informant interviews; and participating in PB workshops. Of the pre-conditions identified in the study, waning political will and political distractions most influenced the evolution of PB in Córdoba. Despite these setbacks, key individuals both inside the government, such as Director of Participatory Budgeting Jorge Guevara, and outside, such as the members of the Grupo Promotor de Participación Ciudadana (GPPC), operated as a web to generate social capital where institutional knowledge and political will were lacking. The presence of such a web suggests that given the opportunity, PB in Córdoba may yet improve and thrive. I conclude by recommending a strategic planning methodology as a means for cities to independently evaluate their participatory budgeting performance. / text

Córdoba and Jerez de la Frontera are situated in the north-eastern and south-western corners of the triangular delta of the Guadalquivir. They were reconquered and resettled by the Castilian Crown in the thirteenth century. During the period in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries which saw widespread alienation of lands by the Crown to nobles, to form lordships or señoríos, Córdoba and Jerez remained subject directly to the kings of Castile. Each town was governed by a council, consisting of jurados, who represented the individual parishes, and regidores, who from the fourteenth century formed a ruling oligarchy. The problem of proliferation of offices, beyond the legal number of twenty-four on both councils, faced the Catholic Monarchs at the beginning of their reign. Action was taken, particularly in Córdoba, where the situation was more extreme, to control office resignations and appointments, but officers continued to come from a small number of noble families. By their original charters (fueros), these towns also had magistrates, known as alcaldes mayores who represented the king in local affairs, but, from the early fifteenth century, new officials, known as corregidores, were superimposed on the old structure. These were appointed spasmodically to both towns in the period up to 1474. Town councils owned property on behalf of the Crown, consisting of buildings and grazing and arable lands. They also ruled outlying areas on behalf of the Crown which normally channelled its communications with these lesser towns and villages through the council of their chief town. The local councils also collected some royal taxes for their own use, though most were raised by the royal tax collector. Royal finances saw a spectacular improvement under Ferdinand and Isabella, but they continued to be weakened by the alienation of many revenues, in juro, for life or in perpetuity, to individuals, especially the territorial magnates of the kingdoms of Seville and Córdoba. This meant that it was possible for a magnate such as the duke of Medina Sidonia to gain an income comparable to that received by the Crown from the taxation of towns such as Córdoba and Jerez. The economy of western Andalusia was almost entirely agricultural. Most crops were produced for subsistence but grain and wine were exported from Jerez and district and wool from the Córdoba area. This wool was denied to the local cloth industry and exported from Seville by merchants from Burgos who came to Córdoba each year to buy owners' complete wool-crops in advance. The upper echelons of Córdoba society were heavily involved in this trade. The exploitation of tunny, which was the other main export commodity of the region, was in the hands of the upper nobility, particularly the dukes of Medina Sidonia and the counts of Arcos. The balance between the economic resources of the greatest magnates and the royal towns, such as Córdoba and Jerez, was also reflected in military affairs. The forces fielded in the Granada campaigns of 1482-92 show the strength in cavalry of the nobles to have been equal to that of royal towns, though the latter provided many more foot-soldiers. In political terms the problem which confronted Ferdinand and Isabella in their efforts to retain control over Córdoba and Jerez was to keep the local councils free of noble interference. This might be exercised through marriage alliances and links of feudal vassallage. The Catholic Monarchs in some respects pursued firm measures in order to reduce the power of the small number of magnates who had virtually gained complete control of the royal towns - the duke of Medina Sidonia in Seville, the marquis of Cádiz in Jerez and Don Alonso de Aguilar in Córdoba. These nobles retained their offices after Ferdinand and Isabella's visit to the region in 1477-8, but they were not allowed to exercise them. However, the fact that they still had a residual right to interfere in the government of royal towns posed a threat for the future. During the period between 1478 and 1500, corregidores succeeded one another peacefully as royal agents in contiol of Córdoba and Jerez, appointing their own officials and working in conjunction with the regidor. There were still noblemen from the twenty or so leading families of the kingdoms of Seville and Córdoba, but the most powerful figures were absent. However, after 1500 there was a resurgence of upper noble influence in Córdoba and Jerez. In the foriaer town, the marquis of Priego, son of Don Alonso de Aguilar, succeeded his father as alcalde mayor of Córdoba. Shortly before Isabella's death, in November 1504, the marquis appeared for the first time in a council-meeting. This action followed a period of severe grain-shortage which had begun in 1502 and continued until 1508. During this period, Córdoba council became indebted to nobles, including the marquis of Priego, for grain supplies from their señoríos, while these lasted, and for loans for the purchase and transport of foreign grain thereafter. Three episodes occurred in quick succession, between 1506 and 1508, in which the marquis of Priego and the count of Cabra took control of Córdoba as magistrates. The first two were caused by hitches in the re-appointment of corregidores, but in the third, the marquis crossed the border into revolt, imprisoning the king's alcalde. Ferdinand quelled the revolt by means of a military expedition which he conananded himself. The marquis and his henchmen, including rnany members of Córdoba council, were banished. Similarly severe action was taken by Ferdinand at this time to prevent the proposed marriage alliance between two of the leading Andalusian noble families, the Guzmán and the Girón. However, despite apparent royal severity towards the pretensions of leading nobles to return to their previous dominance in the area, illustrated by the Crown's successful exploitation of inheritance crises in the Ponce and Guzmán families in 1492 and 1502 to regain control of Cádiz and Gibraltar, respectively, there are distinct signs that in the early sixteenth century the monarchs were content to allow to the upper nobility a position in local society raore appropriate to their great wealth and traditional influence. Magnates returned to the governorship of royal fortresses, despite the protests of Córdoba council. The marquis and his henchmen were restored to this council in 1510 and even the armed invasion of Córdoba's town of Hornachuelos by the count of neighbouring Palma was tolerated. On the other side, it should be noted that the second attempt at a Guzmán - Girón marriage, in 1513, was thwarted by the Crown. The royal towns of western Andalusia, if Córdoba and Jerez may be taken as typical examples, emerged from the combined reigns of the Catholic Honarchs firmly in the grip of small ruling oligarchies, secure in the possession of effectively hereditary offices as regidores. Some of these office-holders were members of the wealthiest families in the region, others were not, but all had similar economic and political interests. The overall characteristics of society in this region in 1516 was immobility. No new families joined the ranks of the upper nobility in the kingdoms of Seville and Cordoba after 1492 and those already in a strong position found their wealth increased. However, this wealth showed itself in exploitation of the land and investment in government funds (juros) rather than trading activity. The leaders of Andalusian society at the beginning of the modern age were unenterprising and backward-looking, but their permanence had been guaranteed by the work of Ferdinand and Isabella.

El turismo es un fenómeno complejo. Sin lugar a dudas, uno de los mayores fenómenos Sociales y económicos de los tiempos modernos. Además, el turismo no es solamente un Fenómeno social; es también un gran negocio. Existe casi completa Unanimidad en que, desde el punto de vista de la demanda y de su dinámica de funcionamiento interna, el turismo se convierte tal vez en el sector más estable a nivel mundial en el largo plazo Es por esta razón que un plan city marketing sea importante en esta ciudad pues la presencia y relevancia del sector turístico en la economía de una región o localidad y las transformaciones de orden socio cultural que se generen por su permanencia en el entorno local, hacen de esta actividad una óptima alternativa de desarrollo .Cuando existen destinos con características de una singularidad incomparable como es el caso de la ciudad de MONTERÍA en el departamento de Córdoba-Colombia, vale la pena poner en valor todos los recursos primordiales que en ella existen aprovechando el boom de las TARS (turismo en áreas rurales, agroturismo, ecoturismo, turismo cultural y de aventura ) que tiene su origen en las nuevas tendencias de la demanda por destinos alejados de los circuitos tradicionales, en la búsqueda de nuevas experiencias y en una mayor exigencia en la calidad medio ambiental. El mismo puede definirse como cualquier actividad turística implantada en el medio rural considerado como partes integrantes de este ultimo las áreas naturales litorales etc.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências da Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Florianópolis, 2011 / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-26T04:49:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 299429.pdf: 542240 bytes, checksum: a3761d013d001603925240ddc67ef602 (MD5) / O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar as narrativas que os alunos brasileiros constroem sobre as experiências vivenciadas na Argentina durante o Intercâmbio Cultural de professores e alunos, realizado desde 1992, entre o Colégio de Aplicação da UFSC (CA), e a Escuela Superior de Comércio Manuel Belgrano da Universidade Nacional de Córdoba, em Córdoba, Argentina. A intenção é identificar se a cultura escolar, no intercâmbio entre as duas escolas, estimulou nos alunos a construção de identidades na perspectiva de reconhecer o "outro" e a "si mesmo", resignificando as imagens sobre a América Latina. Os relatórios utilizados na pesquisa foram os documentos disponíveis no Colégio sobre o Projeto Córdoba de modo especial os relatórios produzidos pelos alunos brasileiros após o intercâmbio nos anos de 2001, 2002, 2005 e 2006. Para o estabelecimento das análises foram utilizados os conceitos de representação, identidade, memória, cultura escolar e patrimônio cultural.

Se intenta ofrecer una explicación sociocultural del programa romanista del Inca Garcilaso en función de sus coordenadas biográficas (peruana y española), analizando especialmente su destino andaluz, tanto por sus coordenadas sociales (conquista reciente del mundo islámico y presencia de conversos judíos) como por las propiamente culturales (clasicismo real y nobiliario, conexión con jesuitas). No se trata, pues, de una solución individual y aislada (por aristocrática), ni tampoco de una opción meramente literaria o religiosa (a pesar de expresarse en esa clave). / In this paper I offer a socio-cultural explanation of Inca Garcilaso’s Romanist program, taking into account the analysis of his biographical anchorages in both Perú and Spain, specially his andalusian experience. To do so, I follow the social events he lived through (the recent conquest of the Islamic world and presence of Jewish converts), as well as the more cultural aspects of his stay in Spain (Royal and nobility classicism, relationship with the Jesuits). By broadening the scope of the interpretation of his texts, we are no longer talking merely about an individual and isolated (if aristocratic) experience, nor about a merely religious or literary option (even if it is expressed in such a way).