Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvana Gobbi Martinho.pdf: 1510344 bytes, checksum: 2022f9db8805a08bfa2edba674da0d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The work aimed to study new forms of humor on the Internet, from the analysis of the site Charges.com during the year 2006. To develop the study, animations related to the theme of politics were selected, in which the main candidates for the presidential election were caricatured - Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin and Heloisa Helena - or they were references. It was based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis aimed at identifying the main issues discussed and frameworks together with a description of the features of the animations. We conclude that the site has followed the logic of mass media, with a political agenda guided by the traditional media, holding a spectacle of contemporary society also at humor scope / O trabalho pretendeu estudar as novas formas de humor presentes na Internet, a partir da análise do site Charges.com, durante o ano de 2006. Para realizar o estudo foram selecionadas as animações relacionadas ao tema da política, nas quais eram caricaturados os principais candidatos a presidência da República Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin e Heloisa Helena - ou a eles faziam referências. Foi empregada uma análise quantitativa e qualitativa com o objetivo de identificar os principais temas debatidos e enquadramentos em conjunto com uma descrição dos elementos característicos das animações. Concluímos que o site seguiu a lógica da grande mídia, com uma agenda política pautada pelos Meios de Comunicação tradicionais, sustentando um espetacularização da sociedade contemporânea inclusive no âmbito o humor

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvana Gobbi Martinho.pdf: 1510344 bytes, checksum: 2022f9db8805a08bfa2edba674da0d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The work aimed to study new forms of humor on the Internet, from the analysis of the site Charges.com during the year 2006. To develop the study, animations related to the theme of politics were selected, in which the main candidates for the presidential election were caricatured - Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin and Heloisa Helena - or they were references. It was based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis aimed at identifying the main issues discussed and frameworks together with a description of the features of the animations. We conclude that the site has followed the logic of mass media, with a political agenda guided by the traditional media, holding a spectacle of contemporary society also at humor scope / O trabalho pretendeu estudar as novas formas de humor presentes na Internet, a partir da análise do site Charges.com, durante o ano de 2006. Para realizar o estudo foram selecionadas as animações relacionadas ao tema da política, nas quais eram caricaturados os principais candidatos a presidência da República Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin e Heloisa Helena - ou a eles faziam referências. Foi empregada uma análise quantitativa e qualitativa com o objetivo de identificar os principais temas debatidos e enquadramentos em conjunto com uma descrição dos elementos característicos das animações. Concluímos que o site seguiu a lógica da grande mídia, com uma agenda política pautada pelos Meios de Comunicação tradicionais, sustentando um espetacularização da sociedade contemporânea inclusive no âmbito o humor

Este trabalho visa identificar possíveis vantagens que as empresas obtêm ao contribuir com campanhas políticas. Para isso, foi utilizada uma extensa base de dados com informações de doações a candidatos aos cargos de deputado, senador e presidente nas eleições de 2006 e 2010. As variáveis de interesse analisadas foram o retorno anormal cumulativo à época da divulgação do resultado das eleições e o retorno sobre o patrimônio líquido no ano posterior a cada eleição. Foram estimadas regressões de dados em painel através de mínimos quadrados ordinários, e incluídos efeitos fixos de ano e setor das empresas. Os resultados indicam que não apenas o mercado antecipa benefícios futuros para as empresas que contribuíram com campanhas – o que se reflete em retornos anormais cumulativos positivos à época da eleição – mas também estas empresas apresentam retornos sobre o patrimônio líquido superiores aos daquelas que não participaram do processo político. Além disso, doações a candidatos vencedores geram retorno superior aos de doações a candidatos perdedores; o que vai ao encontro da hipótese de retribuição de favores. De forma similar, contribuições a candidatos filiados à coligação do presidente eleito também apresentaram impacto superior quando comparadas com doações a candidatos da oposição. / This paper aims to identify potential benefits that companies obtain by contributing to political campaigns. We used an extensive database with information on donations to House, Senate and Presidency candidates in the 2006 and 2010 elections. The variables of interest analyzed were the cumulative abnormal return by the time the results of each election became know and the return on equity in the year following the election. Panel regressions were estimated as ordinary least squares (OLS), and fixed effects of year and industry were included. The results indicate that not only the market anticipates future benefits for companies that contributed to campaigns - which is reflected in positive cumulative abnormal returns at the announcement of the election results - but these companies also have higher returns on equity than those that were not involved in the political process. In addition, donations to winning candidates generate higher returns than donations to losing candidates; which supports the return of favors hypothesis. Similarly, contributions to candidates affiliated to the president’s coalition's also had higher impact when compared to donations to the oposition candidates.

In Canada, the rise of political branding coincided with the adoption of the permanent campaign, creating an environment in which politicking is now normalized and politicization is expected. With Canada Day 2017 as a case study, this thesis adopts Marland’s Branding Lens Thesis (2016) as a conceptual framework to analyze if a national holiday became part of the Liberal Party of Canada’s master brand. The key conclusion of this thesis is that the Liberals integrated their ‘master brand’ into Canada Day 2017 by integrating political branding into their government communications. This thesis also shows that Justin Trudeau played a bigger role during Canada Day than expected by a Prime Minister. Significantly, this thesis shows the Liberal government altered the themes and messaging of Canada 150 to parallel that of their master brand, applying a Liberal tint to Canada Day and Canada 150.

The aim of the Master's Thesis is on the basis of the analysis used to identify the weaknesses of the Internet marketing tools of the Vichy brand with focusing on the brand Normaderm and to make recommendations in terms of future campaigns. The first part begins with general information about the brand Vichy and the brand Normaderm. The second part describes the various tools that the Vichy brand uses, followed by detailed analysis of tools utilized in two marketing campaigns for the Normaderm brand. Marketing tools are evaluated from the perspective of an ordinary user and from the perspective of marketer. In the thesis there are used data extracted from internal advertising and measuring systems of L'Oreal. The final part of the work discusses the current state of the Internet marketing of the brands Vichy and Normaderm and formulates recommendations for the future.

The aim of my thesis was to examine in how far Barack Obama was capable to realize his promises he had given to American voters during his electoral campaign. This task were completed in two time lines: Firstly, I focused on realization of his agenda during the fist year in the office. Secondly, I researched how many of the promises and how far did he manage to realize before the Midterm election changed the constitution of the Congress to his disadvantage. To provide a solid analysis, I chose to narrow the topic and concentrated on three spheres only: tax policy, health care reform and foreign policy. However, the last one mentioned was far too extensive, so I selected three main issues Obama was addressing during his campaign: the war in Afghanistan, Iraq and the detention facility in Guantanamo. During the research I examined Obama's promises and actual policies. To illustrate what Obama was getting into I also characterized the situation in the field before his presidency.

The diploma thesis focuses on the mechanisms set up campaigns in ppc systems. Thesis discusses the role of PPC in the marketing mix of the company, compares ppc with other similar tools (e.g. SEO). The practical part describes the creation of ad groups, setting and management of keywords, selection of content network, and analysis advanced tools of ppc campaign (public, dimensions, themes).

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender o fenÃmeno da corrupÃÃo polÃtica no Brasil. Inicialmente, traÃo os elementos que caracterizam essas prÃticas, discutindo as causas e consequÃncias do comportamento corrupto para a democracia, tomando como referÃncia as anÃlises internacionais e os principais estudos brasileiros sobre o tema. Em seguida, analiso o papel das comissÃes parlamentares de inquÃrito (CPIs), ressaltando seus maiores desafios e crÃticas, os discursos sobre corrupÃÃo na arena parlamentar e a relaÃÃo com o campo jornalÃstico. Partindo de matÃrias produzidas pela imprensa e, principalmente, do RelatÃrio Final elaborado pela CPMI dos Correios, que investigou nos anos de 2005 e 2006 o famoso escÃndalo do âmensalÃoâ, elaboro uma anÃlise sobre a relaÃÃo entre o sistema polÃtico brasileiro e as prÃticas de corrupÃÃo, destacando os principais pontos de discussÃo no perÃodo do referido escÃndalo: a questÃo do financiamento de campanha e a complexa relaÃÃo entre partidos, empresas privadas e estatais, tratados a partir do âvaleriodutoâ e o debate sobre a formaÃÃo e manutenÃÃo das coalizÃes parlamentares, abordado atravÃs do âmensalÃoâ. Na conclusÃo, chamo atenÃÃo para algumas propostas de reforma polÃtica, trazidas à tona no momento dos trabalhos de investigaÃÃo parlamentar e a necessidade de participaÃÃo por parte da sociedade civil, pensados como mecanismos para combater a corrupÃÃo. / The research aims to understand the phenomenon of political corruption in Brazil. Initially, I trace elements that characterize these practices, discussing the causes and implications of corrupt behavior to democracy, by reference to the international analysis and the main Brazilian studies on this topic. Next, we analyze the role of parliamentary committees of inquiry (PCI), highlighting its major challenges and critical discourse on corruption in the parliamentary arena and the relationship with the journalistic field. Based on material produced by the press and especially the Final Report prepared by the JPCI of the Post Office, which in 2005 and 2006 investigated famous scandal of the "monthly allowance", an elaborate analysis of the relationship between the Brazilian political system and corrupt practices highlighting the main points of discussion during the period of this scandal: the issue of campaign finance and the complex relationship between political parties, private and state companies, treated from the "valerioduct" and the debate on the formation and maintenance of parliamentary coalitions, approached through the "monthly allowance". In conclusion, it just draws attentions to some proposals for political reform, brought to the fore at the time of research and the need for parliamentary participation by civil society, conceived as mechanisms to combat corruption.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alex Diniz Lopes - 2016.pdf: 1300568 bytes, checksum: 19dd93da23247e7073a1283ade4c3e7a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-20 / The National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) and one of the world's development banks and the main instrument of Federal Government long term investment and Financing in almost all the segments of the Brazilian economy. Last doze years, one of the main features of national economic policy was the increase in bank acting, of increasing loans and their greater participation in the Brazilian economy. While some of the resources have been directed one other state entities, the largest share of expenditures, was destined to private companies, in the form of fusions operations or support for investment Projects, most of the time, with interest rates subsidized. In list of companies that were more benefited by the Bank loans include contumacious donors of election campaigns. The possible political influence over the decisions of the BNDES is a very important aspect, in that it is a federal public company, its resources come mainly from public funds as FAT and the National Treasury, originating mainly in the taxes paid by citizens and businesses. This study analyzed the relationship between the financing of election campaigns and the BNDES credit operations. In order to understand the dynamics between the elections and the state of the credit policy we used the regression method with panel data, using quantitative information on: a) provision of election campaigns accounts available in the electronic site of Election-TSE Superior Court; and b) List of direct and indirect operations not automatic BNDES, available on the Site of the National Bank for Economic and Social Development. The results showed that the donations campaign designed to related parties the president of the republic positively influence the BNDES loans and, on the other hand, the donations the opposition parties have the opposite effect. In this same vein, it was found also evidence that there is a positive relationship between the victory of candidate recipient of donations, especially for the post of federal deputy, and access to BNDES credit. / O Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) é um dos maiores bancos de desenvolvimento do mundo e o principal instrumento do Governo Federal para o financiamento de longo prazo e investimento em diversos segmentos da economia brasileira. Nos últimos doze anos, uma das principais características da política econômica nacional foi o aumento da atuação do banco, com volumes de empréstimos crescentes e sua maior participação na economia brasileira. Embora parte dos recursos tenha-se dirigido a outros entes estatais, a maior fatia dos dispêndios, foi destinada a empresas privadas, seja em forma de operações de fusões e aquisições ou apoio a projetos de investimento, na maioria das vezes, com taxas de juros subsidiadas. Na lista das empresas que mais foram beneficiadas por empréstimos do banco figuram doadoras contumazes de campanhas eleitorais. A possível influência política sobre as decisões do BNDES é um aspecto bastante relevante, na medida em que se trata de uma empresa pública federal, cujos recursos provêm, essencialmente, de fundos públicos como o Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador e do Tesouro Nacional, ou seja, com origem principalmente, nos tributos pagos pelo cidadão e empresas. O presente trabalho analisou a relação existente entre o financiamento de campanhas eleitorais e as operações de crédito do BNDES. Com o objetivo de entender a dinâmica existente entre as eleições e a política de crédito da estatal empregou-se o método de regressão com dados em painel, utilizando informações quantitativas relativas à: a) prestação de contas de campanhas eleitorais, disponíveis no sitio eletrônico do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral-TSE; e b) Lista de operações diretas e indiretas não automáticas do BNDES, disponível no Sitio do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social. Os resultados demonstraram que as doações de campanha eleitoral destinadas a partidos coligados ao do presidente da república influenciam positivamente o montante dos empréstimos do BNDES, e que, por outro lado, as doações realizadas a partidos não coligados ao presidente, têm o efeito contrário. Nesta mesma linha, encontrou-se, também, evidências de que existe relação positiva entre a vitória do candidato destinatário das doações, notadamente para o cargo de deputado federal, e o acesso ao crédito do BNDES.

In terms of the British Army in the Great War, the study of whether or how the army learned has become the dominant historiographical theme in the past thirty years. Previous studies have often viewed learning and institutional change through the lens of the 'learning curve', a concept which emphasises that the high command of the British Army learned to win the war through a combination of trial and error in battle planning, and through careful consideration of their collective and individual experiences. This thesis demonstrates that in order to understand the complexities of institutional change in the Great War, we must look beyond ill-defined concepts such as the learning curve and adopt a more rigid framework. This thesis examines institutional change in the British First Army in the 1915 campaign on the western front. It applies concepts more commonly found in business studies, such as organisational culture, knowledge management and organisational memory, to understand how the First Army developed as an institution in 1915. It presents a five-stage model - termed the Organisational Development Model - which demonstrates how the high command of the First Army considered their experiences and changed their operational practices in response. This thesis finds that the 'war managers' decision-making was affected by a number of institutional and personal 'inputs' which shaped their approach to understanding warfare. This thesis examines the manner in which new knowledge was created and collated in the immediate post-battle period, before studying how the war managers considered new information, disseminated it across the force and institutionalised it in the organisation's formal practices, structures and routines. In a broad sense, this thesis does three things. First, by examining how the army learned it moves beyond standard narratives of learning in the British Army in the Great War and highlights the complex interplay between personal and institutional learning processes. Second, by focusing on institutional change in the 1915 campaign, it sheds new light on an understudied yet crucial part of the British war experience. Finally, in creating the Organisational Development Model, it provides a robust platform on which future research can be built.