This dissertation seeks to clarify the moral and political shape of economic exchange with an intellectual history of capitalism at its eighteenth-century inception. It seeks to avoid the familiar polarities of Marxist and capitalist economic ideologies by framing the ethical questions of economic exchange in historical terms: Why does the modern economic order seem to create moral contradictions and undermine political institutions? In response to this question, the thesis recovers the contributions of the Scottish historian and moral philosopher, Adam Ferguson (1723- 1816). Because modern economy had not yet taken on its modern abstraction and was still a thinkable reality, Ferguson’s treatment on history, action, and political institutions provide a fertile starting point for envisaging a distinctly moral configuration of the economic sphere. He prepares ground for a critical assessment of the political and economic relationship by criticizing the ideal of progress and emphasizing the need for dignified human exertion. His claim is that the liberalized marketplace undermines political institutions—especially law—to the extent that is leaves a people enslaved both to their own dependencies, as well as to other nations for whom commercial luxury is not a vice. My argument carries Ferguson’s claim forward by asserting that the Market itself now tyrannizes and enslaves in much the way Ferguson imagined a military despot would tyrannize unprepared societies of the eighteenth-century. Eighteenth-century theology is, in many respects, a period of relative theological austerity; so it is therefore unsurprising that a morally confused political instrument (capitalism) would emerge in an age largely devoid of theological imagination or conscience. Jesus Christ is no longer the origin, end, or meaning of history; co-creation is no longer the principal object of human action or labour; and the means of Christ’s rule through the political order are rejected in favour of luxuries and conveniences of modern commerce. The marketplace now embodies all the fears eighteenth-century theorists reserved for despots, tyrannizing western societies and threatening the resolve of already fractured political institutions.

Nepal occupies a unique global position as a peripheral social formation subject to decades of relative isolation from capitalism. Although the agrarian sector has long been understood to be dominated by pre-capitalist economic formations, it is important to examine whether contemporary changes underway in the country are transforming the rural economy. There has been an expansion of capitalist markets following economic liberalization and improvements in the transport infrastructure. Furthermore, neo-liberal commercialisation initiatives such as the Agriculture Perspective Plan provide the ideological justification and pre-conditions for the broader process of capitalist expansion, despite the pro-poor rhetoric. However, just as neo-liberal poverty alleviation strategy is flawed, there are also shortcomings in many Marxian understandings of the transition from pre-capitalist to capitalist agriculture in peripheral social formations. There is a tendency for political-economic theorists to assume the inevitable ‘dominance’ of capitalism, contradicting considerable evidence to the contrary from throughout the world. The central objective of this thesis is to understand how pre-capitalist economic formations have been able to ‘resist’ capitalist expansion in rural Nepal. There is a necessity to understand the mechanisms through which older ‘modes of production’ are reproduced, their articulations with other economic formations – including capitalism – and how they are situated globally. As a case study, one year’s fieldwork was completed on Nepal’s eastern Terai using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research suggested that surplus appropriation through rent in a mode of production which can only be described as ‘semi-feudal’, has for a majority of farming households impeded accumulation and profitable commercialisation, a precondition for the emergence of capitalist relations. Semi-feudalism has been reproduced for decades internally by the political control over land and externally by Nepal’s subordinate position in the global economy. The latter process has constrained industrialization and rendered much of the peasantry dependent upon landlords who have no incentive to lower rents. The economic insecurity which has arisen in the context of semi-feudal production relations has allowed further forms of surplus appropriation in the sphere of circulation to flourish, through for example, interest on loans and price manipulation on commodity sales. This further hinders profitable commercialisation amongst both semi-feudal tenants and also owner cultivators who farm under what can be termed an ‘independent peasant’ mode of production. Even wealthier independent peasant producers who could potentially become capitalist farmers are constrained both by high cultural capital expenses, oligoposnistic activity by industry in the capitalist grain markets, and Indian rice imports which depress local prices. Furthermore, development initiatives which could potentially facilitate capitalist transition through the introduction of productivity boosting techniques have had limited success under the prevailing relations of production and the associated ideological relations of caste and gender. The above findings are of crucial significance if one is to develop policies and political strategies for equitable change in peripheral social formations such as Nepal.

Après la proclamation de la République de Turquie le 29 octobre 1923, l’un des principaux objectifs du nouveau gouvernement est de parvenir à se libérer de l’intense tutelle économique et financière exercée par les Occidentaux dans l’empire ottoman depuis la deuxième moitié du 19ème siècle. Dans les années 1930, les privilèges accordés à la Banque Impériale Ottomane sont supprimés. La dette obligataire héritée de l’empire ottoman est renégociée en 1933. Elle est amputée de quelque 92 %. Les principales sociétés créées par les Européens dans l’empire ottoman avant 1914 sont rachetées par des organismes étatiques ou para étatiques. Des mesures de plus en plus contraignantes sont prises pour limiter les importations, les sorties de devises. Pendant le deuxième conflit mondial, la Turquie, fournisseur de matières premières et de produits alimentaires parvient à accumuler des excédents de devises, ce qui lui permet, à la fin des hostilités, de se libérer de la dette héritée de l’empire ottoman et des dettes contractées envers les cédants des sociétés rachetées dans les années 1930. / Since the middle of the 19th century, Europeans took more and more influence on the finances and the economy of the Ottoman Empire. After the Turkish Republic was declared on October, 29th 1923, one of the main objectives of the new government is to get rid of this influence. During the years 1930, the privileges granted to the Imperial Ottoman Bank are cancelled. The Public Ottoman debt, inherited from the Ottoman Empire is reduced by about 92%. The main enterprises created by the Europeans before 1914 are bought by state agencies. To avoid outgoings of foreign currencies, many laws are voted which make them more and more complicated. During the second world war, Turkey supplied other countries with raw goods and foods, resulting in positive foreign trade balance. It allowed Turkey to reimburse both the Public Ottoman Debt owners and the shareholders of the companies bought back from Europeans during the years 1930.

This paper tests whether politically connected firms in Putin’s Russia are a channel for the political business cycle. Given the widespread corruption and crony capitalism that exists in Russia, it is likely that federal and regional politicians may need to buy the electoral support of powerful, connected firms in order to win elections. Using panel data of approximately 60,000 Russian firms comprising an estimated 62 percent of GDP per year from 2003-2011, I find that federally connected firms are significantly more productive in federal election years. If these cycles in firm productivity are caused by electoral favors from politicians, this not only further corrupts Russia’s political landscape, but it also may induce powerful firms to engage in costly political bidding wars for these connections, thus inhibiting their productivity and the overall productivity of the Russian economy.

Creating spinout companies (USOs) from university research is one focus of innovation policy. The phenomenon features in two main fields of enquiry: academic entrepreneurship studies, and literature on academic capitalism and the entrepreneurial university. Studies have explored the academic entrepreneur, the development stages of these nascent ventures, and the tools universities can provide to encourage and assist in the spinout process. This literature is however limited in that it is overwhelmingly concerned with resources, and little is known about how the USO relates to the parent research institution over time. The purpose of this study is therefore to explore social forces in research linked to a USO, and the main research question is: how can a social lens help us to understand some of the forces at play in research commercialisation, specifically through the early development of a USO from a parent research organisation? The case study is based on interviews and observations of university researchers, USO actors, and representatives from state agencies and a multinational corporation involved in a technology demonstration project. The sociologist Robert Park’s concepts of social groups, the individual within the collective, and social forces are used to explore the experiences of actors involved in academic research and industrial development throughout the changing relationship of a research group and USO. Five social forces were identified around the border between academia and industry, based on some of the concepts that seem to inform the actors’ understandings of the case at hand. An exploration of these forces helps to develop an understanding of how actors experience and negotiate various forces, and positions the results of the study in relation to the dominant models in academic entrepreneurship and academic life. Park’s concepts of specialised roles moves the discussion forward by considering how social forces might be handled within research and research commercialisation, and how such forces might in turn motivate the movement of individuals within and out of a particular social group. This discussion leads into the metaphor of the theatre, connected to project management literature, and research commercialisation as a performance by actors to safeguard the collective’s interests.

Behavioural economics builds on psychology rather than on sociology, and on cognitive science rather than the science of culture. The same is true for new behavioural scholarship in the legal discipline, whether this is referred to as 'behavioural law and economics' or 'law and the behavioural sciences'. The result of a one-sided definition of a more realist research agenda in legal scholarship is an impoverished understanding of the 'social'. In Thaler and Sunstein's famous concept of nudging, social conformity appears as a property of the individual, which can be instrumentalized by social nudges. More generally, the cognitive strand of behavioural economics lends itself to strategies of regulatory 'debiasing', which suggests that it is possible to get down to pure preferences that are free from any distortions. While this approach neglects the endogeneity, or social contingency, of individual preferences, the social strand of behavioural economics is explicitly concerned with the dynamics of social interaction, or the effects of social interdependence. However, both strands of behavioural economics are still higher on methodological individualism, naturalism or positivism and lower on institutionalism, culturalism or constructivism than a genuinely sociological approach. More specifically, their understanding of the 'social' does not sufficiently account for the social embeddedness of both rational and irrational economic action. What is more, behavioural economics also lacks the means to reflect on the link between science and politics, which includes the question of why different models of economic man are attractive at different points in time. The conceptual move from rational to behavioural economic man bears distinctive policy implications, which are in line with the transformation of welfare capitalism towards 'less state' and 'more market'. While the overall direction of this project gets blurred in Thaler and Sunstein's branding of 'libertarian paternalism', it is evident in the adaptation of consumer policies, which proceeds under the imperative of market-conformity. Accordingly, a strategy of nudging does not put into question the wider institutional context but offers a technical solution to what is defined as a problem of individual behavioural rigidities and cognitive biases in the market environment.

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho. / This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.

A pesquisa inicia com o histórico da fundação do ensino superior no Brasil, desde achegada da família real portuguesa até os dias atuais, levando em conta a necessidade de criação de cursos superiores para atendimento à nova conformação da sociedade no Brasil no século XIX. A partir deste histórico é feita uma contextualização sobre o surgimento dos cursos de Arquitetura e Urbanismo no país e mais especificamente sobre a expansão no estado de São Paulo. Foram escolhidas seis faculdades (três cursos públicos e três cursos privados) do estado de São Paulo para a confecção de um breve histórico da fundação de seus cursos. Tal histórico busca compreender o momento de fundação do curso de Arquitetura e Urbanismo nas faculdades escolhidas, contextualizando de acordo com o momento de desenvolvimento do modo de produção capitalista nas cidades onde estão inseridas. Após este histórico é feita uma explanação sobre o histórico das Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais, onde há a definição de projeto pedagógico e as linhas gerais para a confecção das grades curriculares dos cursos. Com isso, foram levantados os itens mais importantes dos seis projetos pedagógicos dos cursos escolhidos, confrontando com a realidade do país e com as exigências do Ministério da Educação. Além dos Projetos Pedagógicos a pesquisa mostra seis tabelas com a exibição das grades curriculares dos seis cursos, cujo resumo síntese se encontra nas Considerações Finais, onde também é comentado sobre a importância do Ensino Superior na Europa, mais especificamente na Espanha e em Portugal, a fim de se mostrar como esta relevância se espelhou na América Latina. / The research begins with the history of the founding of higher education in Brazil. Since the arrival of the Portuguese royal family, Brazil has expressed a need for courses of higher education in order to catch up with nineteenth century Europe. As a result, Architecture and Urbanism courses emerged in the country and led to the expansion in the state of São Paulo. Six public and private colleges were chosen from the state of São Paulo to prepare a brief history of their foundation. The emergence of Architecture and Urbanism courses fueled the development of the capitalist mode of production in these cities. The most important items of the six pedagogical projects later became the requirements of the Ministry of Education. In addition to the Pedagogical Projects, the research shows six tables with the curriculum grades of the six courses, whose synthesis summary is in the Final Considerations. These tables clearly demonstrate how Latin America mirrored the importance of Higher Education as it was in Portugal and Spain of that time.

O presente trabalho aborda questão agrária na Colômbia entre os anos de 1961 e 1972, período que situa um ciclo de transição na economia colombiana que se abre com a possibilidade de reformas capitalistas no sentido liberal-democrático e se encerra com a opção definitiva pela restauração conservadora. A reconstituição desse processo histórico é feita sob a perspectiva de um grupo muito particular entre os camponeses colombianos, isto é, os colonos e o colonato. Do ponto de vista teórico, a ideia central deste trabalho é a de recuperar para análise da questão agrária na América Latina, particularmente para a Colômbia, os pressupostos da análise de Marx sobre a renda da terra. Outro aspecto importante em relação à obra de Marx, foi a tentativa de estabelecer um diálogo com sua a obra naquilo que ele apontou como decisivo para se entender o desenvolvimento capitalista nos países de formação colonial. Para a produção do conhecimento histórico relativo ao objeto desta pesquisa houve uma análise crítica tanto da produção teórica de alguns dos principais intérpretes sobre a questão agrária na Colômbia quanto dos dados estatísticos produzidos pelo órgão do Estado colombiano responsável pelo setor, o Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estatística (DANE). / This thesis discusses agrarian question in Colombia between the years 1961 and 1972, a period that represents a transition cycle in the Colombian economy that opens the possibility of capitalist reforms in the liberal-democratic direction and ends with the final choice of the conservative restoration. The perspective of a very particular group of Colombian peasants, that is, the settlers and the settlement, is the central argument that leads the reconstruction of this historical process. From a theoretical point of view, the central idea of this work is to recover for analysis of the agrarian question in Latin America, particularly in Colombia, the assumptions of Marx\'s analysis of ground rent. Another important aspect in relation to the work of Marx was to establish a dialogue with his work in order to find a key to understanding the capitalist development in countries with colonial history. For the production of historical knowledge concerning the object of this research, this thesis produces a critical analysis of both the theoretical production of some of the most important intellectuals on the agrarian question in Colombia and the statistical data produced by the Colombian state body responsible for the sector, the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE).

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar a possibilidade de formação do indivíduo na sociedade industrial com base naquilo que se configurou como uma determinação importante, a saber, a produção em série que, para se realizar, demanda um esquema produtivo previamente estabelecido, um planejamento rigorosamente calculado, racionalmente construído de acordo com uma razão que expressa os interesses lucrativos do modo de produção capitalista. Objetivamos discutir o modo de produção capitalista industrial que se torna ideologia de si mesmo, como uma metafísica que se torna real por meio dessa produção. Ação real produtiva e esquema metafísico se autodeterminam mediados, ou determinados, pelo lucro. É um sistema que traz em si um modelo de racionalidade técnica e tecnológica que se tornam meio da imposição do esquematismo da produção sobre os indivíduos e em direta relação de correspondência à pseudoformação causadora do obscurecimento da subjetividade. Investiga-se a esquematização que a indústria cultural realiza na produção cultural. Tal esquematização atua já no campo da produção da cultura, determinando minuciosamente a elaboração dos objetos culturais. Analisam-se as condições de possibilidade da individualidade construir-se ou não no período contemporâneo. A infantilização e a obnubilação do desenvolvimento humano aparecem como resultado do processo do modo de produção capitalista industrial. O eu é derrotado antes mesmo de constituir-se, porque o diferente nunca é produzido em série. Conclui-se, então, que, no modo de produção capitalista industrial, os obstáculos para a formação do indivíduo e sua pseudoformação socializada não estão apenas no consumo dos produtos culturais mercantilizados. Tais limites já se originam concretamente na produção por meio do esquematismo alienado dos homens e imposto a eles / This thesis aims to analyze the possibility of formation of the individual in industrial society from what was configured as an important determination, namely the production series, to take place, demand a previously productive scheme, a carefully calculated plan rationally constructed according to a ratio expressing the profit interests of the capitalist mode of production. This paper discusses the industrial capitalist mode of production that becomes ideology of himself as a \"metaphysical\" that becomes real through this production. Productive real action and \"metaphysical\" consider themselves scheme mediated or determined by profit. It is a system which brings a technical and technological rationality model that make it through the schematic of the levy production on individuals and in direct relation matching the pseudoformação causing the subjectivity obscuration. The layout is investigated that the culture industry performs in cultural production. Such a layout is already active in the field of crop production, carefully determining the development of cultural objects. They analyze the conditions of possibility of individuality build up or not in the contemporary period. The infantilization and numbness of the human development process appear as a result of the industrial capitalist mode of production. The ego is defeated before even be created, because the other is never produced in series. It follows, then, that the industrial capitalist mode of production, the obstacles to the formation of the individual and his socialized pseudoformation are not only the consumption of commodified cultural products. These limits already originate specifically in production through the schematic alienated men and imposed on them