Frågan om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser har länge diskuterats. I takt med att den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i världen förändras, förändras också inställningen som de i multinationella insatser ingående aktörerna har till civil-militär samverkan. Sedan det kalla krigets slut har konfliktmönstren i världen förändrats. Trenden pekar mot färre mellanstatliga krig, och fler inomstatliga konflikter. I dessa konflikter samexisterar militära och civilaaktörer, och samverkan dem emellan blir därför viktig.Detta har uppmärksammats i det internationella samfundet, medan det har varit tystare i Sverige.Den här uppsatsen söker finna en möjlig förklaring till att det blivit så. Jag gör det med hjälp av NilsBrunssons teori om Svampmodellen. Brunsson presenterar i modellen ett antal variabler sompåverkar införandet av nya idéer i en organisation. Han menar att en organisation som befinner sig ien reformeringsprocess kan ha svårt att ta till sig ytterligare nya idéer, eftersom den är upptagen medatt genomföra den ifrågavarande reformen.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Svampmodellen kan bidra till en förståelse avvarför Sverige, senare än andra länder, anammat idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationellainsatser. Den svenska Försvarsmakten har det senaste decenniet genomfört en omfattandeförsvarsreform; övergången från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Jag kommer alltså att undersökaom denna reform utgjort ett hinder för Försvarsmakten, och den politiska nivån, att samtidigt ta tillsig idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser. / The issue of civil-military relations in multinational missions has been discussed a lot over the past decades. As the security situation in the world changes, with new threats evolving and others fading away, the approach to civil-military relations change. Since the end of the Cold War, the patterns of conflict around the world have changed. The trend points towards fewer inter-state conflicts, and more intra-state. In this kind of conflict, civil and military actors exist side by side, and thus, coordination and cooperation between them is important. The importance of this cooperation has been highlighted in the international context, while it’s been a bit quieter in Sweden. This paper seeks to find a possible explanation to this relative silence. I will try to find the explanation with help from Nils Brunssons theory of “The standardization or organizational forms as a cropping-op process.” Brunsson presents here an amount of variables that affect the introduction and implementation of new ideas in an organization. Brunsson states that an organization that faces a major reform may, at the same time, have problems with incorporating additional ideas, since the organization is already occupied with the first reform in question. The aim of this paper is to examine whether Nils Brunssons theory can contribute to anunderstanding of why Sweden, later that other countries, has adopted the idea of civil-military cooperation in multi-national missions. The Swedish Armed Forces has the last decade been involvedin a far-reaching reform, namely the transition from being organized as an invasion army, with the aim to deter a possible enemy even from attacking, to an organization that should be ready to be usedat all times. This also involved a considerably higher emphasis on the international commitment. I will examine if this reform has constituted an obstacle for the Swedish Armed Forces, including the government, to also adopt the idea of civil-military relations.

Civil-military relations – conditions for cooperation Abstract:   Civil-military cooperation is a branch of current interest, both in studies and research. The importance has also increased after the government´s demands in a more developed and efficient coordination of national contribution to international peace support operations. Several studies show that there is a lack of ability to cooperate between different levels of command and other actors. The Swedish tradition of state administration is strong and the responsibility to cooperate lies within the hands of the different authorities. Therefore, the relationship between central authorities is of utmost importance when it comes to create conditions for civil-military cooperation. The purpose with this essay is to describe the civil-military relationship at the central level in order to better understand conditions for coordination. For starting point, the study will use a theory where the civil-military relations are of utmost importance for state conditions to make strategic assessments. In the essay, three processes are examined and compared between three central governmental authorities from official directives and guidance, reports and interviews. The result show that the relationship between authorities is characterised by mutual will and engagement to enhance conditions to cooperate but is limited by cultural reasons, own interests, lack of knowledge in each other’s organizations and a need for improved governmental directions and guidance. / Civil-militära relationer - förutsättningar för samverkan Sammanfattning   Civil-militär samverkan är ett aktuellt område för studier och forskning. Inte minst har betydelsen ökat efter ambitionshöjningar från regeringen avseende krav på effektivare samordning av nationella bidrag till internationella fredsfrämjande insatser. Flertalet studier visar på brister i samverkan mellan dels olika ledningsnivåer och dels mellan sidoordnade aktörer. Den svenska förvaltningstraditionen står stark och ansvaret för samverkan finns hos myndigheterna. Relationen mellan myndigheter på central nivå är därför avgörande för civil-militär samverkan och dess förutsättningar. Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva den civil-militära relationen på central nivå för att förstå förutsättningarna för civil-militär koordinering. Studien tar utgångspunkt i en teori om civil-militära relationer där dessa utgör avgörande förutsättningar för strategiska bedömanden i en stat. I uppsatsen studeras tre processer vilka jämförs mellan tre centrala myndigheter utifrån styrdokument, rapporter och intervjuer. Resultatet visar att relationen mellan myndigheter karakteriseras av en ömsesidig vilja och engagemang att förbättra förutsättningarna för samverkan men begränsas av kulturella skäl, egenintresse, bristande kunskap om varandras organisationer samt behov av tydligare styrningar från politisk ledning.

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The specific task of this thesis is to illustrate the complexity of a cooperation between civilian and military entities by examining Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) and their role as an actor among others in the field in a war-torn Afghanistan. By using counterinsurgency strategy as an analytical framework it has been possible to examine the civilian and military contexts closer. Underlying structures concerning the norms and interpretation of reality of the PRTs has been partly revealed. Studies of the PRTs as one significant bearers of "the comprehensive approach", which includes a holistic approach regarding the use of civilian and military capabilities, new conclusions can be drawn on whether a general civil-military approach can be a part of the solution for current and future conflicts. Based on the counterinsurgency strategy, the author has identified three themes as bearing and thus appears through the thesis as a foundation. These are Coordination, Development and Security. The empirical material is filtered through these themes as they are central to counterinsurgency and there by affect the PRT-concept. This study leads to five conclusions regarding the integration of the civilian and military contexts. In summary the conclusions states that it seems to be no starting points for creating a robust culture for cooperation. The absence of common objectives regarding operation, competition between different narratives as well as parallel processes of development and security risks causing a counterproductive outcome. A single resonance must be allowed to emerge from a convergence of civil and military powers as to what should be the civilmilitary mission. With mutual trust and dialogue improved conditions can be shaped to build common ground and goals for what needs to be done in countries with similar problems like Afghanistan.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / The primary focus of this study is to look at the interplay of the military and academic cultures at the South African Military Academy (SAMA). The question was raised about the nature of these two conflicting subcultures within the SAMA faculty, some avoidable damage that is being done, and ways to overcome the conflict for the future. Research data obtained from interviewing a sample of the SAMA members was used to investigate whether the two subcultures, which appear each to have a different ethos, can complement one another and how they define and shape the organisational culture of the institution. Findings from this study confirmed the existence of conflict between the academic and military culture and showed that this conflict has historical origins. It was further shown that part of the conflict arises from the tendency of the military culture to impose itself over the academic culture. The study revealed that this conflict also affects the civilian-military relations amongst the staff members, which impacts on the staff morale and organisational performance. It was found that ineffective organisational communication of the Academy was partly the source of this organisational culture and that the strengthening of an effective organisational communication particularly on the part of senior management of the Academy could go a long way towards creating an inclusive organisational culture that accommodates and encourages the coexistence of both the academic and military subcultures. The study concluded that peaceful coexistence of both these subcultures will lead to healthier relations between the civilian and uniformed members and to the SAMA as a whole. Recommendations for further consideration and action by the Military Academy were given.

This study develops a leader-centric theory of civil-military relations that expands upon three broad areas of research. Specifically, the study suggests that leaders will evaluate multiple threats to their political survival and will ultimately implement strategy that is most likely to keep them in power. While Downs (1957) has noted such a tendency in democracies, this study expands this rationale to authoritarian regimes by focusing on the primary means of authoritarian removal: the military coup. In contrast to the state-centric nature of traditional international relations theory, this dissertation finds that leaders frequently undermine the power of the state in order to accomplish the self-interested goal of political survival. First, the study carefully describes a number of coup-proofing strategies that leaders can implement. These are broadly defined in terms of influencing either the military’s willingness or its ability to attempt a coup. In addition to testing the effectiveness of these strategies, this study also theoretically explores the implications of coup-proofing for other political development of the state: interstate and intrastate conflict. Second, the study considers the influence of coup-proofing on interstate conflict. This study builds on the diversionary literature by investing coup risk as an incentive to use diversionary tactics as well as coup-proofing as a potential disincentive. The latter can both undermine the necessity of diversion as well as military capabilities, making leaders less capable of utilizing international conflict as a political tool. Third, the dissertation considers the influence of coup-proofing on intrastate conflict. The theory argues that the capability-reducing practice of coup-proofing can have important domestic consequences. Specifically, the practice can increase the mobilizational potential of would-be insurgents, can reduce the mobilizational capacity of the state, and leaders that are particularly fearful of a coup will likely tolerate the rise of an insurgency.

Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.

Since its independence, the Latin America has been prone to unstable and military dominated politics. Mexico, however, has proven to be an exception. The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is to explain Mexico's stability and civilian dominated polity. The dissertation draws upon personal interviews with Mexican and American military officers, Mexican military documents and secondary sources. From these sources four foci, professionalization, social background of military and civilian leaders, civilian political behavior, and extranational influences, appeared to offer the greatest amount of explanation for the Mexican case. Professionalization's impact appears to result from the low level of political efficacy generated by the Mexican military educational system and the inculcation of values encouraging loyalty to civilian institutions. The social background of Mexican officers appears to support the values and norms common to the military institution, including those conducive to civilian domination. The social disparity between the more humble family background of most officers and the higher family social background of civilian politicians also appears to be a factor. The civilians political party system appears to be critical. In a multiparty system, like Brazil, multiple civilian opposition groups, through co-optation, generate corresponding military support groups. Civilian opposition groups with military backing therefore will always be present and represent a potential threat. In a single party dominant system, like Mexico, though, military identification will always be with the government, rather than an opposition political group. Finally, the influences of the United States and Soviet Union do have an impact on Mexican civil-military relations. However, rather than the super powers' manipulating the Mexican military and causing coups supportive of super power foreign policy objectives, Mexico appears to use the super powers' resources and images to stabilize civil-military relations. The importance of this dissertation is that it offers explanations for the difference in behavior between the stable, civilian dominated Mexican model, and the military dominated models found throughout most of the Latin American region. The dissertation also presents new interpretations regarding the relationships between professionalization and political efficacy, and social background and social efficacy.

This thesis examines the challenge of coordinating civilian and military efforts within a so-called ‘whole-of-government’ approach to stability operations. The empirical analysis focuses on British and American attempts to implement an integrated civilian-military strategy in Afghanistan and Iraq between 2001 and 2010. Unlike many existing analyses, the thesis consciously avoids jumping to the search for solutions to fix the problem of coordination and instead offers a nuanced explanation of why it arises in the first instance. Empirical data was gathered through personal interviews with a wide range of civilian and military practitioners between 2007 and 2011. Together with the in-depth study of official documents released by, and on, the defence, diplomatic and development components of the British and American governments, they provide the basis for a fine-grained analysis of obstacles to interagency coordination. The thesis offers a framework for analysis that is grounded in organisation theory and distinguishes between material, bureaucratic and cultural dimensions of obstacles to interagency coordination. It identifies organisational cultures as a crucial force behind government agencies’ reluctance to participate and invest in an integrated approach. The empirical chapters cover interagency dynamics within the government bureaucracy and in operations on the ground, including the role of specialised coordination units and Provincial Reconstruction Teams in the pursuit of coordination. The thesis concludes that stabilisation remains an inherently contested endeavour for all organisations involved and that the roles and expectations implied by contemporary templates for coordination clash with prevailing organisational identities and self-perceptions. These findings caution against the procedural and technocratic approach to interagency coordination that permeates the existing literature on the subject and many proposals for reform. While the thesis examines a specific empirical context, its conclusions have broader implications for civilian-military coordination and the quest for an integrated approach to security in the twenty-first century.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations. / Major, Hungarian Army