Europe is currently in a stage of increased military spending due to greater insecurity in the region. Previous studies claim that one consequence of such an increase may be greater reliance on the military in matters that had previously been handled by civil agencies. Are societies in Europe facing a change in which the military will be more involved in crisis incident response? The purpose of this study is to examine if the role of the military in a society depends on the level of militarization of the country. With the foundational question of why the military has different roles within different societies, this study focuses on civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) dealing with CBRN (Chemical, Biological, Radioactive and Nuclear)-related issues, in order to investigate the possible relationship between CIMIC and militarization. Empirical data from countries with high- and low levels of militarization are collected, and thereafter analyzed and categorized into “ideal types” of CIMIC. The forms of each country are then compared and put in the context of militarization in order to answer the foundational question. This study initiates the closing of a research gap regarding examination and analysis of the relationship between militarization and CIMIC during CBRN incident response. Additionally, this study marks the initial development of a method, including new “ideal types”, that enables the comparison of CIMIC, opening new doors for analysis of civil-military cooperation.

Humanitarian logistics is a young science and complex discipline compared to business logistics because not only are actors in that arena compelled to work with outmost speed in interrupted environments having undetermined demand, they are also forced to work closely with other unknown players. Even more complex are civil-military relations because as studies show, the differences between these two humanitarian actors run deep to include contrasting missions, humanitarian principles, organizational and cultural differences. The purpose of this work is to examine civil-military relations during the preparedness and response phases of humanitarian crises. We developed a frame of reference, set forth some operational and theoretical definitions, examined overlapping supply chains, modeled organizational structures and coordination mechanisms, established civil-military cooperation framework, disaster cycle studies and proposed a working model. Our methodology included primary data collection through an empirical study of two NGOs and the military force through a series of interviews. Data culled was then analyzed in conjunction with the models and literature outlined in the frame of reference. Based on our analysis, a number of observations were made in the conclusion. To begin with a number of strategies are employed during the preparedness and response phase where speed and agility are crucial. Also, overlapping roles between the military and NGOs have both positive and negative impact. Different organizational structures and funding outlay mean differences abound in how actors coordinate activities and share information. Cooperation, trust, information sharing and coordination are closely linked when finding a strategic fit among actors. In spite of the attempt at seeking a right formula for civil-military relations, it would be erroneous to ‘standardize’ relations as no two cases are ever the same.

<p>Humanitarian logistics is a young science and complex discipline compared to business logistics because not only are actors in that arena compelled to work with outmost speed in <em>interrupted </em>environments having undetermined demand, they are also forced to work closely with other unknown players. Even more complex are civil-military relations because as studies show, the differences between these two humanitarian actors run deep to include contrasting missions, humanitarian principles, organizational and cultural differences.</p><p>The purpose of this work is to examine civil-military relations during the preparedness and response phases of humanitarian crises. We developed a frame of reference, set forth some operational and theoretical definitions, examined overlapping supply chains, modeled organizational structures and coordination mechanisms, established civil-military cooperation framework, disaster cycle studies and proposed a working model.</p><p>Our methodology included primary data collection through an empirical study of two NGOs and the military force through a series of interviews. Data culled was then analyzed in conjunction with the models and literature outlined in the frame of reference.</p><p>Based on our analysis, a number of observations were made in the conclusion. To begin with a number of strategies are employed during the preparedness and response phase where speed and agility are crucial. Also, overlapping roles between the military and NGOs have both positive and negative impact. Different organizational structures and funding outlay mean differences abound in how actors coordinate activities and share information. Cooperation, trust, information sharing and coordination are closely linked when finding a strategic fit among actors. In spite of the attempt at seeking a right formula for civil-military relations, it would be erroneous to ‘standardize’ relations as no two cases are ever the same.</p>

<p>Frågan om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser har länge diskuterats. I takt med att den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i världen förändras, förändras också inställningen som de i multinationella insatser ingående aktörerna har till civil-militär samverkan. Sedan det kalla krigets slut har konfliktmönstren i världen förändrats. Trenden pekar mot färre mellanstatliga krig, och fler inomstatliga konflikter. I dessa konflikter samexisterar militära och civilaaktörer, och samverkan dem emellan blir därför viktig.Detta har uppmärksammats i det internationella samfundet, medan det har varit tystare i Sverige.Den här uppsatsen söker finna en möjlig förklaring till att det blivit så. Jag gör det med hjälp av NilsBrunssons teori om Svampmodellen. Brunsson presenterar i modellen ett antal variabler sompåverkar införandet av nya idéer i en organisation. Han menar att en organisation som befinner sig ien reformeringsprocess kan ha svårt att ta till sig ytterligare nya idéer, eftersom den är upptagen medatt genomföra den ifrågavarande reformen.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Svampmodellen kan bidra till en förståelse avvarför Sverige, senare än andra länder, anammat idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationellainsatser. Den svenska Försvarsmakten har det senaste decenniet genomfört en omfattandeförsvarsreform; övergången från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Jag kommer alltså att undersökaom denna reform utgjort ett hinder för Försvarsmakten, och den politiska nivån, att samtidigt ta tillsig idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser.</p> / <p>The issue of civil-military relations in multinational missions has been discussed a lot over the past decades. As the security situation in the world changes, with new threats evolving and others fading away, the approach to civil-military relations change. Since the end of the Cold War, the patterns of conflict around the world have changed. The trend points towards fewer inter-state conflicts, and more intra-state. In this kind of conflict, civil and military actors exist side by side, and thus, coordination and cooperation between them is important. The importance of this cooperation has been highlighted in the international context, while it’s been a bit quieter in Sweden. This paper seeks to find a possible explanation to this relative silence. I will try to find the explanation with help from Nils Brunssons theory of “The standardization or organizational forms as a cropping-op process.” Brunsson presents here an amount of variables that affect the introduction and implementation of new ideas in an organization. Brunsson states that an organization that faces a major reform may, at the same time, have problems with incorporating additional ideas, since the organization is already occupied with the first reform in question. The aim of this paper is to examine whether Nils Brunssons theory can contribute to anunderstanding of why Sweden, later that other countries, has adopted the idea of civil-military cooperation in multi-national missions. The Swedish Armed Forces has the last decade been involvedin a far-reaching reform, namely the transition from being organized as an invasion army, with the aim to deter a possible enemy even from attacking, to an organization that should be ready to be usedat all times. This also involved a considerably higher emphasis on the international commitment. I will examine if this reform has constituted an obstacle for the Swedish Armed Forces, including the government, to also adopt the idea of civil-military relations.</p>

Frågan om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser har länge diskuterats. I takt med att den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i världen förändras, förändras också inställningen som de i multinationella insatser ingående aktörerna har till civil-militär samverkan. Sedan det kalla krigets slut har konfliktmönstren i världen förändrats. Trenden pekar mot färre mellanstatliga krig, och fler inomstatliga konflikter. I dessa konflikter samexisterar militära och civilaaktörer, och samverkan dem emellan blir därför viktig.Detta har uppmärksammats i det internationella samfundet, medan det har varit tystare i Sverige.Den här uppsatsen söker finna en möjlig förklaring till att det blivit så. Jag gör det med hjälp av NilsBrunssons teori om Svampmodellen. Brunsson presenterar i modellen ett antal variabler sompåverkar införandet av nya idéer i en organisation. Han menar att en organisation som befinner sig ien reformeringsprocess kan ha svårt att ta till sig ytterligare nya idéer, eftersom den är upptagen medatt genomföra den ifrågavarande reformen.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Svampmodellen kan bidra till en förståelse avvarför Sverige, senare än andra länder, anammat idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationellainsatser. Den svenska Försvarsmakten har det senaste decenniet genomfört en omfattandeförsvarsreform; övergången från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Jag kommer alltså att undersökaom denna reform utgjort ett hinder för Försvarsmakten, och den politiska nivån, att samtidigt ta tillsig idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser. / The issue of civil-military relations in multinational missions has been discussed a lot over the past decades. As the security situation in the world changes, with new threats evolving and others fading away, the approach to civil-military relations change. Since the end of the Cold War, the patterns of conflict around the world have changed. The trend points towards fewer inter-state conflicts, and more intra-state. In this kind of conflict, civil and military actors exist side by side, and thus, coordination and cooperation between them is important. The importance of this cooperation has been highlighted in the international context, while it’s been a bit quieter in Sweden. This paper seeks to find a possible explanation to this relative silence. I will try to find the explanation with help from Nils Brunssons theory of “The standardization or organizational forms as a cropping-op process.” Brunsson presents here an amount of variables that affect the introduction and implementation of new ideas in an organization. Brunsson states that an organization that faces a major reform may, at the same time, have problems with incorporating additional ideas, since the organization is already occupied with the first reform in question. The aim of this paper is to examine whether Nils Brunssons theory can contribute to anunderstanding of why Sweden, later that other countries, has adopted the idea of civil-military cooperation in multi-national missions. The Swedish Armed Forces has the last decade been involvedin a far-reaching reform, namely the transition from being organized as an invasion army, with the aim to deter a possible enemy even from attacking, to an organization that should be ready to be usedat all times. This also involved a considerably higher emphasis on the international commitment. I will examine if this reform has constituted an obstacle for the Swedish Armed Forces, including the government, to also adopt the idea of civil-military relations.

Civil-military relations – conditions for cooperation Abstract:   Civil-military cooperation is a branch of current interest, both in studies and research. The importance has also increased after the government´s demands in a more developed and efficient coordination of national contribution to international peace support operations. Several studies show that there is a lack of ability to cooperate between different levels of command and other actors. The Swedish tradition of state administration is strong and the responsibility to cooperate lies within the hands of the different authorities. Therefore, the relationship between central authorities is of utmost importance when it comes to create conditions for civil-military cooperation. The purpose with this essay is to describe the civil-military relationship at the central level in order to better understand conditions for coordination. For starting point, the study will use a theory where the civil-military relations are of utmost importance for state conditions to make strategic assessments. In the essay, three processes are examined and compared between three central governmental authorities from official directives and guidance, reports and interviews. The result show that the relationship between authorities is characterised by mutual will and engagement to enhance conditions to cooperate but is limited by cultural reasons, own interests, lack of knowledge in each other’s organizations and a need for improved governmental directions and guidance. / Civil-militära relationer - förutsättningar för samverkan Sammanfattning   Civil-militär samverkan är ett aktuellt område för studier och forskning. Inte minst har betydelsen ökat efter ambitionshöjningar från regeringen avseende krav på effektivare samordning av nationella bidrag till internationella fredsfrämjande insatser. Flertalet studier visar på brister i samverkan mellan dels olika ledningsnivåer och dels mellan sidoordnade aktörer. Den svenska förvaltningstraditionen står stark och ansvaret för samverkan finns hos myndigheterna. Relationen mellan myndigheter på central nivå är därför avgörande för civil-militär samverkan och dess förutsättningar. Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva den civil-militära relationen på central nivå för att förstå förutsättningarna för civil-militär koordinering. Studien tar utgångspunkt i en teori om civil-militära relationer där dessa utgör avgörande förutsättningar för strategiska bedömanden i en stat. I uppsatsen studeras tre processer vilka jämförs mellan tre centrala myndigheter utifrån styrdokument, rapporter och intervjuer. Resultatet visar att relationen mellan myndigheter karakteriseras av en ömsesidig vilja och engagemang att förbättra förutsättningarna för samverkan men begränsas av kulturella skäl, egenintresse, bristande kunskap om varandras organisationer samt behov av tydligare styrningar från politisk ledning.

I regeringens budgetproposition för 2011, erhöll Försvarsmakten uppgiften att införa fyra Militärregioner i Sverige med underliggande regionala staber. ”Regeringen bedömer att skapandet av de regionala staberna innebär att Försvarsmaktens förmåga att samverka med och lämna stöd till andra myndigheter förbättras.” (PROP 2010/11:1 s.33). Syftet med den här studien är att studera hur personer med nyckelpositioner inom de båda myndigheterna (Länsstyrelse och Försvarsmakten) tänker kring införandet av Militärregioner och dess förutsättningar för utveckling av samverkan mellan det civila och militära samhället. Resultatet påvisar att informanterna är relativt överens om att samverkan ska utvecklas och hur det bör ske med ett fokus på gemensam planläggning, utbildning, övningar samt nätverksskapande och utarbetande av gemensamma mål innan något händer. Målsättningen är att klara av att hantera oförutsedda händelser som olyckor och naturkatastrofer när de väl kommer. Informanterna anser även att närheten, i såväl tid som rum, är avgörande för planläggning och den slutliga insatsens resultat. / Through the Budget Bill for 2011, the Armed Forces were granted the task of establishing four Military Regions in Sweden with underlying regional headquarters. “The Government considers that the creation of the regional headquarters means that the Armed Forces' ability to cooperate with and provide support to other authorities will improve.” (PROP 2010/11: 1p.33). The purpose of this study is to explore how people with key positions in the Country Administrative Board and the Armed Forces think about the introduction of Military Regions, and its conditions for development of cooperation between civil and Military society. The result demonstrates that the informants are in relative agreement that collaboration should develop and how this should be done with a focus on joint planning, training, exercises, networking and development of common goals before anything happens. The aim would be to handle unexpected events such as accidents and natural disasters when they do occur. They also believe that proximity, both in time and place, is essential both for the planning and the outcome of an eventual operation.

[pt] O Exército Brasileiro publicou em maio de 2021 o Manual de Campanha de Assuntos Civis, em substituição ao Manual de Campanha de Cooperação Civil Militar (2017) e ao Manual de Assuntos de Governo (1981). Baseado na recente modificação doutrinária ocorrida através da publicação do manual em questão, este estudo tem o objetivo de analisar como se deu o processo de produção da Doutrina de Assuntos Civis do Exército Brasileiro e como ela se traduz e se desenvolve a partir de um conjunto de práticas e experiências que visa a melhor coordenação entre civis e militares em operações militares. O estudo utiliza a revisão de bibliografia especializada e a condução de entrevistas como métodos de análise qualitativa. Argumenta-se que o processo de produção da Doutrina de Assuntos Civis se baseia largamente na experiência dos militares do Exército na condução de atividades de assuntos civis em operações de paz, operações humanitárias e operações de apoio aos órgãos governamentais, na realização de experimentações doutrinárias e no contato de militares brasileiros com doutrinas estrangeiras através de cursos realizados no exterior, resultando na utilização de conhecimentos doutrinários de países parceiros e organizações internacionais. Dessa maneira, constata-se que a produção doutrinária atravessa campos de experiências que conjugam o engajamento militar externo e interno. Adicionalmente, conclui-se que o Manual de Assuntos Civis visa consolidar uma doutrina que informe mais objetivamente a missão do Exército Brasileiro na sua relação com atores civis. / [en] The Brazilian Army published the Civil Affairs Field Manual in May 2021, replacing the Civil Military Cooperation Field Manual (2017) and the Government Affairs Manual (1981). Based on the recent doctrinal modification that occurred through the publication of the referenced manual, this study aims to analyze how the process of producing the Brazilian Army s Civil Affairs doctrine took place and how it translates and develops from a set of practices and experiences aimed at improving coordination between civilians and the military in military operations. The study uses a review of specialized literature and the conduct of interviews as methods of qualitative analysis. It is argued that the process of producing civil affairs doctrine is largely based on the experience of the Army military personnel in conducting civil affairs activities in peace operations, humanitarian operations, operations supporting government agencies, in conducting doctrinal experimentation and in the contact of Brazilian military personnel with foreign doctrines through courses conducted abroad, resulting in the use of doctrinal knowledge from partner countries and international organizations. In this way, it can be argued that doctrinal production crosses fields of experiences that combine external and internal military engagement. Additionally, one can conclude that the Manual of Civil Affairs aims to consolidate a doctrine that more objectively informs the Brazilian Army s mission in its relationship with civilian actors.

Den här uppsatsen avser undersöka hur Försvarsmaktens roll inom den civila krisberedskapen uppfattas av de civila aktörerna som ingår i krisberedskapsorganisationen (kommuner, landsting, bevakningsansvariga myndigheter, samt länsstyrelser) samt vilken formell roll Försvarsmakten ska spela, utifrån hur myndigheten styrts politiskt genom undersökning av Försvarsbeslutet 2015 samt efterföljande regleringsbrev och direktiv, under perioden 2015 - 2017. Uppsatsen avser endast undersöka Försvarsmaktens stöd till civila (icke-beväpnade) insatser, och således är ex. stöd till Polisen i samband med terrorismbekämpning inte undersökt. / This bachelor thesis examines the role of the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) in civilian crisis management. The Swedish crisis management system is based upon the principle of responsibility (Ansvarsprincipen), which means that an actor responsible for a certain function of society during a normal state also is responsible for maintaining this function during disturbance or crisis. This gives each actor a clear role to plays in times of crisis. The SAF has no clear peacetime role within the frame of national defense except for maintaining readiness to face an armed assault or violation of Swedish territory by foreign powers. The SAF is also supposed to give support to other parts of society when needed, but this support is to be given within already existing abilities and resources. The task is also non-dimensional, which means the SAF is not expected to organize itself primarily for this task.  The analysis will focus only on the role of the SAF, and not on the roles of other actors within civilian crisis management, and only on unarmed operations. A consequence of this demarcation is that the SAF's role within anti-terrorist operations will be left out. Demarcation in time is the period of 2015 - 2017.