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Showing 1 to 10 of 10 (0.046 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"[een] CIVIL AFFAIRS"" "subject:"[enn] CIVIL AFFAIRS""
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War by Other Means - the Development of United States Army Military Government Doctrine in the World WarsMusick, David C. 05 1900 (has links)
Occupation operations are some of the most resource and planning intensive military undertakings in modern combat. The United States Army has a long tradition of conducting military government operations, stretching back to the Revolutionary War. Yet the emergence of military government operational doctrine was a relatively new development for the United States Army. During the World Wars, the Army reluctantly embraced civil administration responsibilities as a pragmatic reaction to the realities of total war. In the face of opposition from the Roosevelt administration, the United States Army established an enduring doctrine for military government in the crucible of the European Theater of Operations.
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China's modus operandi for the 21st CenturyPorter, Anthony G. January 2005 (has links)
Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 6, 2010). "CSC 2005" "Subject Area Topical Issues" Includes bibliographical references.
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The development of British civil affairs and its employment in the British sector of allied military operations during the Battle of Normandy, June to August 1944Flint, E. R. January 2009 (has links)
Civil Affairs and its more robust sibling, Military Government, were military organisations designed to ensure that basic civil order and welfare were maintained in those allied and enemy states encountered on operations during the Second World War. In so doing, they enabled formation commanders to focus on defeating enemy forces without being distracted by possible civilian problems. Using the battle of Normandy as a case study, this research assesses the utility of Civil Affairs in supporting military needs during operations. This contrasts with previous studies that concentrate on aspects of social and diplomatic history. If the need for Civil Affairs was generally axiomatic, there was much debate as to the extent and method of delivery required. Civil Affairs quickly recognised that in dealing with direct problems such as “disorganisation, disease and unrest” it was necessary for seemingly indirect aspects of civilian life to be maintained. Various forms of bureaucratic friction resulted and several Civil Affairs approaches were used, before the model for the North West Europe campaign was agreed. Nevertheless, the organisation employed in Normandy was arguably the most extensive and best prepared of the war. However, it also had to deal with many different civilian problems and in trying military circumstances. Consequently, the battle is fertile ground for the examination of the extent and nature of the organisation’s operational utility. Using primary and secondary sources, this paper argues that Civil Affairs was militarily both useful and necessary. Furthermore, it was able to provide wider diplomatic and political benefits as well as serving core military needs. The research concludes by acknowledging that whilst mistakes were made, the various improvements made to Civil Affairs in preparation for, together with the lessons learnt during, Normandy stood the organisation in good stead for the significantly larger problems encountered later in the war.
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The Development of British civil affairs and its employment in the British sector of allied military operations during the Battle of Normandy, June to August 1944Flint, E R 25 November 2009 (has links)
Civil Affairs and its more robust sibling, Military Government, were military
organisations designed to ensure that basic civil order and welfare were
maintained in those allied and enemy states encountered on operations during
the Second World War. In so doing, they enabled formation commanders to
focus on defeating enemy forces without being distracted by possible civilian
problems. Using the battle of Normandy as a case study, this research assesses
the utility of Civil Affairs in supporting military needs during operations. This
contrasts with previous studies that concentrate on aspects of social and
diplomatic history.
If the need for Civil Affairs was generally axiomatic, there was much debate as to
the extent and method of delivery required. Civil Affairs quickly recognised that
in dealing with direct problems such as “disorganisation, disease and unrest” it
was necessary for seemingly indirect aspects of civilian life to be maintained.
Various forms of bureaucratic friction resulted and several Civil Affairs
approaches were used, before the model for the North West Europe campaign
was agreed. Nevertheless, the organisation employed in Normandy was
arguably the most extensive and best prepared of the war. However, it also had
to deal with many different civilian problems and in trying military
circumstances. Consequently, the battle is fertile ground for the examination of
the extent and nature of the organisation’s operational utility.
Using primary and secondary sources, this paper argues that Civil Affairs was
militarily both useful and necessary. Furthermore, it was able to provide wider
diplomatic and political benefits as well as serving core military needs. The
research concludes by acknowledging that whilst mistakes were made, the
various improvements made to Civil Affairs in preparation for, together with the
lessons learnt during, Normandy stood the organisation in good stead for the
significantly larger problems encountered later in the war.
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[en] ANALYSIS OF THE BRAZILIAN ARMY S CIVIL AFFAIRS DOCTRINE / [pt] ANÁLISE DA DOUTRINA DE ASSUNTOS CIVIS DO EXÉRCITO BRASILEIROYASMIN DA CUNHA PAES 28 June 2022 (has links)
[pt] O Exército Brasileiro publicou em maio de 2021 o Manual de Campanha de
Assuntos Civis, em substituição ao Manual de Campanha de Cooperação Civil
Militar (2017) e ao Manual de Assuntos de Governo (1981). Baseado na recente
modificação doutrinária ocorrida através da publicação do manual em questão, este
estudo tem o objetivo de analisar como se deu o processo de produção da Doutrina
de Assuntos Civis do Exército Brasileiro e como ela se traduz e se desenvolve a
partir de um conjunto de práticas e experiências que visa a melhor coordenação
entre civis e militares em operações militares. O estudo utiliza a revisão de
bibliografia especializada e a condução de entrevistas como métodos de análise
qualitativa. Argumenta-se que o processo de produção da Doutrina de Assuntos
Civis se baseia largamente na experiência dos militares do Exército na condução de
atividades de assuntos civis em operações de paz, operações humanitárias e
operações de apoio aos órgãos governamentais, na realização de experimentações
doutrinárias e no contato de militares brasileiros com doutrinas estrangeiras através
de cursos realizados no exterior, resultando na utilização de conhecimentos
doutrinários de países parceiros e organizações internacionais. Dessa maneira,
constata-se que a produção doutrinária atravessa campos de experiências que
conjugam o engajamento militar externo e interno. Adicionalmente, conclui-se que
o Manual de Assuntos Civis visa consolidar uma doutrina que informe mais
objetivamente a missão do Exército Brasileiro na sua relação com atores civis. / [en] The Brazilian Army published the Civil Affairs Field Manual in May 2021,
replacing the Civil Military Cooperation Field Manual (2017) and the Government
Affairs Manual (1981). Based on the recent doctrinal modification that occurred
through the publication of the referenced manual, this study aims to analyze how
the process of producing the Brazilian Army s Civil Affairs doctrine took place and
how it translates and develops from a set of practices and experiences aimed at
improving coordination between civilians and the military in military operations.
The study uses a review of specialized literature and the conduct of interviews as
methods of qualitative analysis. It is argued that the process of producing civil
affairs doctrine is largely based on the experience of the Army military personnel
in conducting civil affairs activities in peace operations, humanitarian operations,
operations supporting government agencies, in conducting doctrinal
experimentation and in the contact of Brazilian military personnel with foreign
doctrines through courses conducted abroad, resulting in the use of doctrinal
knowledge from partner countries and international organizations. In this way, it
can be argued that doctrinal production crosses fields of experiences that combine
external and internal military engagement. Additionally, one can conclude that the
Manual of Civil Affairs aims to consolidate a doctrine that more objectively informs
the Brazilian Army s mission in its relationship with civilian actors.
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The Thai way of counterinsurgencyMoore, Jeffrey M. January 2010 (has links)
The goal of this study is to ascertain how Thailand wages counterinsurgency (COIN). Thailand has waged two successful COINs in the past and is currently waging a third on its southern border. The lessons learned from Thailand’s COIN campaigns could result in modern irregular warfare techniques valuable not only to Thailand and neighboring countries with similar security problems, but also to countries like the United States and the United Kingdom that are currently reshaping their irregular warfare doctrines in response to the situations in Afghanistan and Iraq. The first set of COIN lessons comes from Thailand’s successful 1965-85 communist COIN. The second set comes from Bangkok’s understudied 1980s-90s COIN against southern separatists. The third set comes from Thailand’s current war against ethnic Malay separatists and radical Islamic insurgents attempting to secede and form a separate state called “Patani Raya,” among other names. Counterinsurgency is a difficult type of warfare for four reasons: (1) it can take years to succeed; (2) the battle space is poorly defined; (3) insurgents are not easily identifiable; and (4) war typically takes place among a civilian population that the guerrillas depend on for auxiliary support. Successful COINs include not only precise force application operations based on quality intelligence, but also lasting social and economic programs, political empowerment of the disenfranchised, and government acceptance of previously ignored cultural realities. Background: In 1965, communist insurgents, backed by the People’s Republic of China and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam), began waging an insurgency against Thailand in order to overthrow its government and install a Marxist regime. The Thai government struggled, both politically and militarily, to contain the movement for years, but eventually, it prevailed. Its success was based on a combination of effective strategy and coordination, plus well-designed and run security, political, and economic programs, the latter nowadays called the “three pillars of COIN,” a phrase developed by David Kilcullen, a modern COIN theorist and practitioner. One of Bangkok’s most successful initiatives was the CPM program (civil-military-police), which used a linked chain of local forces, police, and the military to not only provide security for villages, but also economic aid and administrative training to rural peoples. State political programs that undercut communist political programs backed by masterful diplomacy and a constant barrage of rural works helped erode the communist position. The 1980s-90s COIN against southern separatists followed similar lines. The far South’s four border provinces, comprised of 80 percent ethnic Malay Muslims, had been in revolt on and off for decades since Bangkok annexed the area in 1902. Bangkok had waged haphazard COIN campaigns against rebel groups there for decades with mixed results. But after the successful communist COIN was up and running in 1980, Bangkok decided to apply similar ways and means to tackle the southern issue. The government divided its COIN operations into two components: a security component run by a task force called CPM-43, and a political-economic component run by the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Center, or SB-PAC. SB-PAC also had a Special Branch investigative capacity. Combined, the 80s-90s southern COIN strategy relied on extensive military intelligence networks to curb violence, civilian administrators to execute local political reforms, and local politicians to apply traditional Malay and Muslim problem solving techniques to keep the peace. These programs worked well against the multitude of southern insurgent groups that conducted sporadic attacks against government and civilian targets while also running organized criminal syndicates. By the end of the 1990s, with a dose of Thailand’s famed diplomacy and help from Malaysia’s Special Branch, Bangkok defeated the southern separatists. In January 2004, however, a new separatist movement in southern Thailand emerged – one based on ethnic Malay separatism and radical Islam. It is a well-coordinated movement with effective operational expertise that attacks at a higher tempo than past southern rebel groups. It moreover strikes civilian targets on a regular basis, thereby making it a terrorist group. Overall, it dwarfs past southern movements regarding motivation and scale of violence. Thai officials think the Barisan Revolusi Nasional Coordinate, or BRN-C, leads the current rebellion, but there are several other groups that claim to also lead the fight. Members of the insurgency are nearly exclusively ethnic Malays and Muslims. The movement demonstrates radical Islamic tendencies thought its propaganda, indoctrination, recruitment, and deeds. It is a takfiri group that kills other Muslims who do not share its religious beliefs, so it wrote in its spiritual rebel guidebook, Fight for the Liberation of Patani. BRN-C seeks to separate the four southernmost provinces of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, and Songkhla from Thailand in order to establish an Islamic republic. The separatists base their revolt on perceived military, economic, cultural, and religious subjugation going back to the early 1900s. And they have a point. The central government has, at different times in the past, indeed treated southerners with tremendous disdain and sometimes violence – especially those considered insurgents. But Bangkok has also instituted scores of economic and social aid programs in the south – mosque building, college scholarships, and medical aid, for example – so it has not been a continual anti-Muslim “blood fest” as government detractors have painted it. Still the maltreatment, certainly many times less than yesteryear, has provided today’s insurgents with ideological fodder for a steady stream of recruits and supporters. Combined with radical Islam, it has bonded the insurgents to a significant degree. Statistically, in the 2005-07-time frame, insurgents assassinated 1.09 people a day, detonated 18.8 bombs a month, and staged 12.8 arson attacks a month. In 2005, they conducted 43 raids and 45 ambushes. The militants target security forces, government civilians, and the local population. They have killed fellow Muslims and beheaded numerous Buddhist villagers. The insurgents’ actions have crippled the South’s education system, justice system, and commerce, and also have maligned Buddhist-Muslim relations. Overall, the separatists pose a direct threat to Thailand’s south and an indirect threat to the rest of the country. Moreover, their radical Islamic overtones have potential regional and global terrorist implications. The Thai Government spent much of 2004 attempting to ascertain whether the high level of violence was, in fact, an insurgency. To begin with, the government, led by PM Thaksin Shinawatra, was puzzled by the fact that the separatists had not published a manifesto or approached Bangkok with a list of demands. By mid-2004, however, the insurgents had staged a failed, region-wide revolt, and their prolific leaflet and Internet propaganda campaign clearly demonstrated that a rebel movement was afoot. By fall 2005, the separatists had made political demands via the press, all of which centered on secession. By 2006, a coup against PM Thaksin succeeded and the military government that replaced him instituted a new COIN strategy for the south that by 2008 had reduced violence by about 40 percent. Some of the tenets of this new strategy were based on Thailand’s past successful COIN strategies. Whether or not the government has concocted a winning strategy for the future, however, remains to be seen. This paper analyses these COIN campaigns through the COIN Pantheon, a conceptual model the author developed as an analytical tool. It is based on David Kilcullen’s three pillars of COIN.
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Breakdown and Adaptation: The Western Allies and the Liberation of the Concentration CampsReeves, Jeremy Ray 07 1900 (has links)
In mid-April 1945, US and UK forces swept through Germany. The Western Allies had spent years preparing for the moment, cultivating a civil affairs capacity since the Interwar Period and devoting thousands of hours to planning for the occupation. However, the rapid pace of the advance stretched the new capability beyond its limits as frontline forces seized large swaths of Germany and encountered exponentially increasing numbers of displaced persons. The accidental discoveries of Buchenwald and Bergen-Belsen and the tens of thousands of survivors suffering appalling levels of starvation and disease overwhelmed the forces dispatched to address the sites, resulting in a sluggish response. Significant flaws in Allied planning assumptions caused the breakdown that potentially cost hundreds of unnecessary deaths. Yet, operational staff officers from the Supreme Headquarters down to the division level recognized the poor response and, in two short weeks, adapted the plan to address the conditions on the front. Policy adjustments and messages from General Eisenhower removed ambiguity in existing guidance and provided clear direction to frontline forces. More importantly, the Western Allies formally merged the campaign plan guiding combat operations, OVERLORD, with the plan for occupation, ECLIPSE. The changes produced a marked improvement in the US liberation of Dachau on 29 April 1945, thereby demonstrating adaptation and innovation at the operational level of war.
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The PRT concept US experiences and their relevance for Norway /Vaagland, Per O. January 2008 (has links)
Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 2, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.
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Getting it right operationalizing civilian capacity for conflict and post-conflict environments.McNaught, James A. January 1900 (has links)
"A paper submitted to the faculty of the NWC in partial satisfaction of the requirements of the JMO Department." / Title from title screen (viewed June 10, 2008). "February 14, 2005." Faculty advisor: Douglas Hime. "ADA464898"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 24-27).
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Low Intensity Conflict: Contemporary Approaches and Strategic ThinkingSearle, Deane January 2007 (has links)
Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.
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