Much has been written on the Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902. Different themes, ranging from battles to more personal experiences, have been documented. Furthermore there are many statistics regarding the war. The aim of this study is to obtain, through the existing sources, the total number of civilian deaths during the Anglo- Boer war. To compile a genealogical database regarding the civilian deaths is not an easy task. Almost all sources have conflicting figures regarding the number of civilians who actually died. Deaths were not restricted to the concentration camps. There were also those of people on their way to the camps, or those fleeing from captivity. The aim of this study is to give an account of the process used to compile the genealogical database. By putting certain criteria in place the database should be stripped of any duplication. The reasons for [him concentration camps being created, and the number of camps that came into existence, including the total of deaths with unique abstracts from the database, are described in detail. There is confusion about the terms "refugee" and concentration camps. This is clarified. A brief explanation is given of how, where and when the camps came into being. The number of camps, and their period of existence, as well as the total numbers of civilian deaths in the camps, were compiled in an effort to secure greater accuracy. With the relevant support of information from the electronic database, it was possible to compile a comprehensive picture of the numbers of deaths that occurred. There are furthermore, some observations on the spelling of surnames. It is important because the use of Afrikaans, Dutch and English has led to different forms of spelling. The core objective of this study was to find the exact number of civilian deaths during the Anglo-Boer War. The penultimate chapter is a detailed explanation of related deaths. A list containing the main causes of deaths, mainly disease, is included. The number of deaths is tabulated in terms of their causes. It is possible to see the profound impact of what really happened. Information of unique deaths, deaths in certain families, as well as statistics regarding the overall age and gender of victims is included. Another aim of the study was to compile a complete list of all the civilians who died during the Anglo Boer War, more complete and with more detail than that of P.L.A. Goldman. This was indeed an overwhelming exercise. P.L.A. Goldman had a total of 27 927 names and the database total account for 33 978 individual deaths. Included are the 759 names of black names as compiled by S.V. Kessler. Hopefully the database will succeed in bringing us closer to the civilian deaths during 1899-1902. It should be useful to genealogical researchers. / Thesis (M.A. (History))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2007.

In this thesis, I explore the experiences of some 2,000 allied civilians in the Japanese-run Weihsien Internment Camp () in Shandong, China from 1943 to 1945. Beyond serving as a counterpoint to the Japanese internment in North America during the Second World War, the Weihsien Camp also represents a rare point of contact between Western civilians and the Japanese that came about as part of Japan's effort to sweep away any remaining vestiges of Western colonial society in Asia. Government documents, supplemented by both published and unpublished memoirs, letters, and diaries reveal the ways in which the internee community organised camp life under Japanese guard in a manner that defies straightforward categorisation as either "resistance" or "collaboration." Instead, the internees as a community reached an accommodation to the realities of life in a Japanese internment camp that allowed them considerable latitude and agency in their daily life. / History

Efter Andra Världskriget och författandet samt ratificerandet av den traditionella folkrätten har huvuddelen av de väpnade sammandrabbningarna haft karaktären av icke-internationella konflikter med en asymmetrisk uppsättning aktörer. Samtidigt har den värst drabbade aktören kommit att vara civilbefolkningen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att problematisera skyddet av civilbefolkningen i den nya tidens konflikter. I uppsatsen genomförs en kvalitativ textanalys av Säkerhetsrådets resolutioner och missionsspecifika strategier för skydd av civila i de tre FN-missionerna UNMIS, UNAMID och MONUC. Resultatet av analysen problematiseras därefter utifrån van Crevelds non-trinitarian theory för att undersöka vilka problem det finns med att tillämpa det traditionella folkrättsliga skyddet av civila i nya tidens konflikter. Det sammanvägda resultatet av studien visar att det finns problem med att tillämpa det traditionella folkrättsliga skyddet av civila i nya tidens konflikter, och att ett av huvudproblemen är att skyddet endast tycks adresseras av världssamfundet. / After the Second World War, and the creation and ratification of the traditional international law, the majority of the armed clashes has had the character of non-international conflicts with an asymmetric set of actors. Meanwhile, the most affected actor has come to be the civilian population. The purpose of this study is to problematize the protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era. A qualitative method is used in the study in order to analyze the Security Council’s resolutions and mission specific strategies for the protection of civilians in the three UN missions UNMIS, UNAMID and MONUC. The result of the analysis is then problematized with van Creveld’s non-trinitarian theory in order to investigate what problems there are in applying the international humanitarian legal protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era.The aggregated result of the study show that there are problems in applying the traditional international legal protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era, and that one of the main problems is that the protection only seems to be a subject for the international community.

[pt] Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as discriminações, exclusões e violências produzidas pelos discursos que constituíram a intervenção e a operacionalização da zona de exclusão de aérea (ZEA) autorizada em 2011 para proteção de civis na Líbia. A análise segue a partir de uma série de fechamentos e limitações contidas na literatura tradicional e dominante sobre a intervenção, os quais impossibilitam uma leitura que dê conta das violências produzidas e legitimadas pelos discursos e práticas da intervenção. À vista disso, a dissertação parte de um entendimento de que os discursos não somente constroem as representações de identidade dos sujeitos, como também criam as condições de possibilidade à realização de determinadas ações. Por isso, no caso da intervenção na Líbia, as diferentes articulações discursivas presentes na literatura acadêmica, nos discursos políticos, na mídia internacional e em documentos oficiais serão analisadas a fim de compreender como a autorização de uma zona de exclusão aérea para fins humanitários pode ser lida a partir de uma ambiguidade constitutiva, uma vez que os mesmos discursos e práticas que possibilitaram e legitimaram ações em prol da vida e da proteção de civis, também autorizaram um conjunto de violências, exclusões e discriminações. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyse the discriminations, exclusions and violences producted by discourses that constituted the intervention and the operationalization of a no-fly zone (NFZ) authorized in 2011 for the protection of civilians in Libya. The analysis follows from a series of closures and limitations contained in the mainstream and dominant literature on the intervention, which preclude a reading that takes account of the violences producted and legitimated by discourses and practices in the Libyan intervention. In view thereof, the dissertation adopts an understanding that discourses not only construct the representation of the subjects identity, but also create the conditions of possibility to the accomplishment of certain actions. Therefore, in the case of the intervention in Libya, the different discursive articulations present in the academic literature, political discourses, international media, and official documents will be analysed in order to understand how the authorization of a no-fly zone for humanitarian purposes can be read as from a constitutive ambiguity since the same speeches and practices that enabled and legitimated actions for life and the protection of civilians also authorized a set of violences, exclusions and discriminations.

Non-combatants, even though they not participate directly in a conflict, are often targeted by armed groups. This study seeks to answer to the question why some areas are more affected by violence against civilians than others. Considering their importance in the contemporary world, electoral processes are used to explain the patterns of civilians’ victimization. This study focuses on irregular civil wars as the effects of elections on the distribution of violence against civilians in those wars is particularly understudied. Elections provide crucial information to armed groups about the preferences of the local population and therefore also the presence of potential collaborators or enemies. In addition, local political elites have incentives to favour or curb the violence against civilians, according to their electoral strength in a specific area. The thesis tests the implication with a quantitative study in the case of Colombia by analysing the long- and short-term effects of electoral results on the distribution of violence. Contrary to conventional civil wars, the findings suggest that civilians living in political strongholds in irregular civil wars, areas where a political party has strong support, are more likely to be targeted.

The issue of rising number of disasters, the overwhelming increase in number of older adults, and historically flawed evacuations presents real challenges. Disasters can strike anywhere, any time, and have devastating consequences. Since 1900, the number of Americans 65 and older has increased 12 times (from 3.1 million to 36.3 million). During the next two decades, the number of American baby boomers, now aged 45-64, who turn 65, will increase by 40%. As evidenced by recent disasters, the imperfections and vulnerabilities of flawed evacuations for older adults are still present. This study examined the level of willingness to evacuate among older adults in the event of a disaster. Despite the extensive literature on disasters and evacuation, some significant questions regarding evacuation and older adults have not been addressed. This study addressed the following concerns: (1) What is the willingness among older adults to evacuate when asked to do so by emergency management officials? (2) Does the call to evacuate being mandatory versus voluntary influence the willingness of seniors to evacuate? (3) Do preconditions (Gender, Marital Status, Age, Ethnic Origin, and Education Levels) influence the willingness to evacuate among older adults? The sample population consisted of 765 voluntary participants aged 60 years and older from thirty senior/community centers within seven counties in the State of Oklahoma. A group administered survey (The Disaster Evacuation Survey) included a total of 15 questions. This study revealed the following findings: older adults are more likely to comply with a mandatory evacuation order. Individuals with college degrees are more likely to comply with mandatory evacuations. African Americans are more likely to comply with a voluntary request. American Indian/Alaskan Native are more likely to comply with mandatory evacuation orders from emergency officials. Important practical implications for emergency officials responding to vulnerable older adults in disaster situations are also provided.

This thesis aims to investigate how civilians coped with life-threatening situations in WWII through analyzing the diary of a civilian from the siege of Breslau in 1945. There are two main issues this study attempts to address. Firstly, current Peace and Conflict Studies lack integration from theories from psychology. Furthermore, civilian experiences of war should be addressed in their historical context. Drawing from Suedfeld et al.’s Ways of Coping Scale (1997), which derives from Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) theory on psychological stress and coping, a directed, qualitative content analysis explores the coping strategies used by the diarist. The study finds that the diarist mostly uses problem-oriented coping strategies, aiming at altering the threat, consisting of escaping from bombs, analyzing, preparing for, and altering the damage caused by artillery and seeking social support. Emotion-oriented coping, aimed at regulating the emotional response to a threat, mostly shows through denying the threat to get sleep and to keep normality, and through distancing from the threat through humor, hope and a positive attitude. My findings form a base to adapt Suedfeld et al.’s Ways of Coping Scale to better assess civilian coping strategies in war.

Targeted sanctions have become a commonly used conflict management tool over the last decades. Yet, operating in the state-centric context, previous research has highlighted the unintended negative effects of the instrument. What remains understudied is the effects of targeted sanctions on rebel groups' behavior. Acknowledging that sanctions are never imposed in isolation, this thesis seeks to explore the effects of targeted sanctions on rebel groups' violence against civilians and how the presence of peacekeeping influences this. This thesis argues that targeted sanctions increase a rebel group's violence against civilians through the mechanism of constrained resources and decreased capabilities to provide selective incentives to its fighters. Peacekeeping counter this mechanism by acting as a physical barrier between the combatants and the civilians, ultimately altering the cost-benefit analysis. UNITA in Angola and RUF in Sierra Leone are examined using a within-case and an across-case comparison. The findings lend mixed support to the notion that targeted sanctions increase a rebel group's violence against civilians. However, the results support the second hypothesis; peacekeeping appears to counterbalance the adverse effects of targeted sanctions on rebel groups' violence against civilians.

This study aims to examine how the emergence of modern warfare are challenging International Humanitarian Law when it comes to the protection of civilians in armed conflict. Thereby gaining a better understanding of how modern warfare is putting civilians at risk and how International Humanitarian Law is being challenged by the development of warfare. This study is a multidisciplinary study of Peace and Conflict Studies and International Law, which gives a rare perspective on civilian’s position in modern warfare. Thereby this study is not only showing the legal challenges in armed conflict but also bringing in the perspective of civilian’s position in modern warfare. This study will make use of three case studies: urban warfare, non-state actors and the use of drones in armed conflict. This study concludes that the challenges which International Humanitarian Law meets in modern warfare, is related to the need of clarifications but also a need for a greater enforcement and respect of the law by all parties of the conflict, both state and non-state actors. Lastly, there is a need for strengthening the inclusion of non-state actors in international law and strengthen International Humanitarian Law to meet the challenges of modern warfare to protect the civilians.

No description available.